Political Parties In The Third World - Essay Example

Third World Write an essay on political parties in the Third World. Generally speaking, what functions do political parties fulfill? What are some of the major characteristics which distinguish political parties in developing states from those in developed states with respect to their ideologies and organizational structures? Why have politics in so many developing countries been dominated by single-party or single-party dominated systems in the past? Provide details and examples whenever possible. The diversified socio-economic framework of the Third World countries entails certain prerogatives on the functioning of political parties. Many of the Third World countries in Asia and Africa have erstwhile been ruled by imperialistic and colonial regimes from the West. The longstanding history of imperialism and colonialism has made these countries economically weak. Overt dependence on agriculture, lack of political liberty, increasing levels of poverty and social subversions are some of the key characteristic traits that can be traced in these countries (Smith 1). In majority of cases, the Third World countries experienced a changeover in political dominion until very recently. The shift of power meant related transformations of the mechanism that used to govern those tools of power. What is apparent from this premise is that the formation of independent nation-states did not totally discard the preexisting institutions. Rather, they modified the institutions, which were once symbols of colonial aggression over indigenous people, into controlling grids. This control is necessary for the effective functioning for any country – be it from the Third World or from any other part of the globe. But the crucial difference between politics of the developing countries and that of the Third World countries rests in how the mechanism of power relations is used for the welfare of the people. For the states that were once colonized, a strong hierarchical relation can be noticed within their political setup. Retaining the order of power for bureaucratic interests is a major area of focus for these nations. The bureaucratic principle of governance entails a mandatory requirement for the authorities concerned to enforce territorial segregation, in order to gain better command over all parts of the country (Clapham 39). On the other hand, developing countries, due to strategic advantages gained from a consistent system of governance, address the issues of democracy, human rights, social liberty, and gender relations with a stringent set of directives, thereby adopting a normative approach in policymaking. Adoption of a one-party rule, as was seen following the independence of Bangladesh in 1975, bears testimony to the fact that political ideologies endorsed by some state-heads of the Third World countries did make a fragile attempt to assume a liberal aura. But contrary to the federal system of governance in the US, the credibility of this structure was challenged by the people of Bangladesh. Due to lack of economic solidarity, the Third World countries cannot possibly afford the luxury of implementing a system which fails to establish a well coordinated system of liberal ruling. As far setting and fulfilling of long-term priorities are concerned, the working methodologies of political parties in the First World and the Third World differ. Key public sectors such as health, education and economic means to sustain development need to be addressed constantly to maintain the momentum of growth in the developing countries. These are areas that do not directly involve the state within a developed framework. Instead, the state can focus more on areas that directly concern its external interest, such as strengthening of bilateral relations with countries that share similar social, cultural and economic pedigrees. Smith argues that political instability is a recurring phenomenon in the Third World scenario. Rules and regulations pertaining to conducting free and fair electoral procedures are often violated by the political parties and their factions (109). These observations can be substantiated by empirical evidences from the context of Indian elections held in recent past. Moreover, the pluralistic, multiparty political culture in India, coupled with cultural heterogeneity, has often led to increasingly destabilizing political conditions. While the incumbent UPA government represents the elitist segment of the society, parties like Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Vishwa Hindu Parishad spread religious propaganda in line with their respective affiliation to Hinduism. The political situation of Pakistan has been subject to intense turmoil and instability ever since the country was born in 1947. While the footprints of colonialism left an indelible scar on the nation’s integrity and sovereignty, its political structure too has undergone drastic changes in recent years. Intolerance, lack of belief in government, corruption within the governmental wings, religious extremism and rise of Islamic fundamentalism, religion-based multiparty system, economic subjugation of the mass in general, aversion to communism, and military regimes have collectively undermined the nation’s political identity and played down the significance of having a stable democracy without extreme polarization of power. Moreover, the socialist democracy of Pakistan has been facing challenges from both within and outside. The mounting pressure of the possibility of a pro-Taliban surge in the country has been detrimental to the populist beliefs about a democratic and transparent socio-economic infrastructure. The longstanding Kashmir dispute with India, too, has affected both neighbors in the South-East Asia, in terms of their political missions and visions. While Kashmir has literally torn apart the regional peace and political stability, it has also contributed to the rising radicalization of beliefs and sentiments, fueled furthermore by various pro-Islamic outfits operating under cover or in guise of religious preachers, on both sides of the Line of Control. The conflicting scenario in Kashmir has given birth to several radical outfits who have indoctrinated the ignorant lot about what they put forward as their legitimate rights. Single party politics has long been a defining paradigm in the context of the Third World countries. Smith argues that a hegemonic principle of totalitarianism is espoused by the advocates of a pluralist, single-party ruling. To substantiate his thesis, he cites the examples of the Institutional Revolutionary Party in Mexico, and several Chinese, Vietnamese, and North Korean political parties. Some of the crucial aspects to be noted in single party politics include the nature of economy, electoral system, constitutional legitimacy, cross-breeding of political outlooks, and nationalist agenda (142-144). Since any single party system strives to build an organizational continuity across its frontal offshoots, it is imperative that hardnosed principles of pragmatism and monopolization of political power should be expunged from the party manifesto. But regrettably, many Third World countries, including Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, have forsaken the democratic objectives in order to install a hegemonic system administered by staunch disapproval of electoral legitimacy and political socialization. In majority of cases, the fragile economic state of the Third World countries does not provide the luxury of inducting a one-party rule. This is highlighted by the fact that capitalist economies, commonly represented by the newly-industrialized countries, have retained multiparty democracy for the sake of economic mobilization and regular financial transactions on a global scale. The political frameworks of China, Japan, and North Korea support this viewpoint. In the Third World countries, political parties essentially play the role of disseminating a common agenda central to the party’s position. But to achieve this target, it is important for the arties to formulate their agenda in line with the country’s interests. Failing to do so will lead to a crisis situation, most likely to be culminated into a nationalist propaganda. This may be substantiated by the parliamentarian democracy system prevailing in countries like India and Bangladesh. In India, the chief role of both the ruling party and the oppositions is to provide the government with a legitimate ground for taking the issues of public interest into consideration. Opposition parties in parliamentary democracy bring such issues to the notice of the government in the House. Debates and counter-debates lead to a common consensus building which, in turn, lays the foundation of an amicable resolution to the problems. But the trend in Bangladesh has historically differed from that of India. Despite the existence of parliamentary democracy, Bangladesh has been pitted with problems involving faction clashes and extreme nationalist viewpoints. The ruling party Awami League has faced internal problems from its student faction Chhatra League in recent times at the Dhaka University. Likewise, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has brought serious allegations against the ruling party about political corruption, suppression of the opposition and introduction of elitist political orientations. 2. Write an essay describing and analyzing the causes and results of military coups in the Third World. What are some of the relevant factors and reasons put forward by scholars (Samuel Huntington, S. E. Finer and Morris Janowitz)? Discuss the five types of civil-military relationships (outlined by J. G. Liebenow) and the four different categories of military coups. Explain the relationship between the military and the middle class, economic conditions and the political culture in the country, and the professional culture of the military as factors which can influence the decision of the military to enter politics or stay out. Do military governments perform better than their civilian equivalents? Explain and provide examples whenever possible. Frequent prevalence of military coups after the WWII goes to reveal the impact of war upon civil societies. While the pre-War era witnessed coups or attempted coups in a sporadic manner, the post-War situation changed drastically, involving numerous overthrowing of civil governments in countries such as Pakistan, Iran, Thailand, El Salvador, Bolivia, Honduras, Egypt, Guatemala, Paraguay, Colombia, Iraq, Turkey, Sri Lanka, Ecuador, Algeria, Congo, Syria, Oman, Uganda, Argentina and many other developing countries. The concept of an armed rebellion against an organized system of government is quite intimidating per se. And when it is put to the context of the Third World nations, with all their economic, social, and political limitations, such events call for a close academic scrutiny. As pointed out by Smith, bureaucracy has been synonymous with the Third World political institutions and the idea of bureaucratic oligarchy emerged out of the aftermaths of colonialism (156). If one examines the case with Pakistan, it would be apparent that the populist system of party politics gave unusual authority to the military forces, almost raising it to the point of autonomous dictatorship. By the time Bhutto was executed, General Zia’s efforts to redeem the country’s Islamic status quo necessitated military support. Pakistani armed forces, on the other hand, played an important role both within the country and abroad. While a large portion of the military was deployed in Kabul to fight the interim Afghan government with the help of Afghan troops, other military personnel shouldered administrative responsibilities within the government (Burnell and Randall 458). The bureaucratic exchange of power between civil governments and military ranks once again became apparent when Nawaz Sharif appointed army personnel at important state positions, thereby arming them with autonomist stature to some extent. But what it also meant was that the balance of power relations swiveled a lot, especially after Pakistan’s failure to gain anything substantial from its military operations in Kargil in 1999. This event marked the gradual loss of faith between the civil and military quarters within the country, eventually leading to the overthrowing of the Nawaz Sharif government late that year (Burnell and Randall 458). Ironical as it may sound, infrequence of warring situations also affects the possibility of military coups in the developing world. Hawkesworth and Kogan hold that state-owned militaries in the continent of Europe could engage their armies for extended periods, thus giving them professionally fulfilling roles to play. But many developing countries in the Third World, due to their organizational non-cohesiveness, unwittingly dissociate their military units from the rest of the state mechanisms. The anomic situation it creates for the army makes them opportunistic to exploit instability in the region, so that they can justify their presence (253). As far as civil-military relations are concerned, five models have been espoused by scholars: Civilian Supremacy Model, Watchdog Model, Balance Wheel Model, Direct Rule Model, and Social Transformation Model. Each of these models has been made after carefully analyzing the causes and consequences of military coups in democratically unstable scenarios. Quoting Michael Desch, Feaver argues that the post-Cold War era witnessed a remarkable transition in terms of military subversions of civilian authority. As a matter of fact, military regimes involved in coups have historically tried to get the better of civilian supremacy in an orderly and democratic society. Either the military of a given nation-state has functioned marginally to meet the basic requirements of its position, or it has completely bypassed its duties so as not to let the civil democracy take a sizeable control of the military (199). Going by this model, it is apparent that a civilian society wants to secure its political fate and the military is formulated to work to this effect. A coup occurs when this formulaic approach is violated due to a number of reasons, including political and socio-economic reasons and oppressive domestic policies. In order to elaborate on the Watchdog Model, it is worth referring to what Conteh-Morgan has to say regarding the bureaucratic transition of power and position between governments and the military. Military of any country occupies a position of irrefutable importance in that they can spy on the government from close quarters and at the same time, can influence policymaking through various means (120). When a military regime is inducted into the government, it invariably provides crucial inputs pertaining to defense strategies, internal and external security and other areas of national concern. It has often been observed, as in the case with Pakistan in 1999, that Nawaz Sharif placed General Pervez Musharraf at an important position in his government before plotting the war in Kargil. But when this war fetched very little gain for Pakistan, Musharraf had already contemplated upon a military coup to take optimum advantage of his hierarchy. Critical insights into the Balance Wheel Model are embedded, once again, in political power relations. Several Latin American countries, including Chile and Brazil, have political systems that allow for substantial military participation. Now considering the history of military dictatorships in countries like Chile, Cuba, Guatemala and many others, it is quite apparent that aligning the military directly with administrations had caused gross scale violation of human rights and democratic means. The Balance Wheel Model functions on the premise that democracy and human rights need to be balanced for the greater sake of a country’s development. The concept of a peaceful coexistence between military and government is basically grounded on the conjecture that military should be able to uphold human rights and existing political culture of the society (Wiarda and Skelley). Huntington argues that the governmental coup that took place in Portugal in 1974 marked the beginning of an epochal shift from militarization to democratization in the context of Third World. The Portuguese government used its military firepower to get rid of Marcello Caetano, another military dictator (3). While this coup laid down the cornerstone of democracy in Portugal, it still left a few critical questions pertaining to military’s role in nation building. Politics is a combination of several governing agents, including economic solidarity, means to introduce an electoral system, reasserting the people’s right to take active part in politics, diplomacy, and indigenous disposition to the politics of international relations. But since a military regime is intrinsically radical and noncompliant with the long held parameters of democracy, one may challenge the effectiveness of military entry into a nation-state’s political culture. Noted scholar Morris Janowitz shares the opinion that a military regime must act in a temperate manner to meet the democratic requirements of mass governance. Once a coup occurs successfully, the regime enters the system of a country. This system is made up of diverse myths and coefficients, ranging from agenda for socialism, foreign influence on economic policymaking, need to implement political stability, efficiency and acceptability of its rulers, unity and sovereignty of the nation, and development across all offshoots. The military transition can only be called beneficiary for the concerned country when majority of these myths are converted into reality. The author examines an interesting point involving the political culture of military. While the surge of industrialization in the West began a long time ago, the new nations or the developing countries in the Third World experienced such a phenomenon later on in their life cycle. This difference in political exposure for civilians and military alike turns out to be a crucial factor for the spontaneous development of a political culture in military ranks (78). So the question of whether or not a military regime should enter party-based politics remains to be a polemic one, especially in the context of the Third World. 3. Write an essay discussing the relevance and impact of nationalism in the Third World. What were some of the domestic and foreign factors which contributed to the emergence of modern nationalism during the colonial era? What is the difference between civic, ethnic and multi-ethnic nationalism? Provide some examples in Third World countries. Identify the five categories of ethno-political forms and describe them. What are often the consequences of ethno-political discrimination, repression and forced assimilation? Explain some of the possible outcomes of the failure of ethnic compacts and the pursuit instead of hegemonic exchange (patron-client relationships). Nationalism may be interpreted from a dichotomy of reference frameworks – western nationalism and third world nationalism. In a broader context, the latter is subject to further segregations: cultural nationalism and political nationalism. Both these subtypes are rooted in the multiethnic setups that are commonly seen in many Third World countries from Asia, Europe and Africa. Chatterjee notes: Both types depend upon the acceptance of a common set of standards by which the state of development of a particular national culture is measured, in the first type, however, although there is the feeling that the nation is at a disadvantage with respect to others, it is nevertheless already ‘culturally equipped’ to make the attempt to remove those deficiencies (1). It is quite apparent from this prologue by Chatterjee that nationalism is highly contextual and subject to change depending on the past trends of development. If one goes back to the colonial era, it would be all the more evident that the colonial machinery bottlenecked the indigenous growth of cultures in many Third World countries. Culture is such an attribute that is acquired from hereditary lines and not from external stimuli. The ethnic identity of a nation is understood by its past practices. So it would not be far wrong in seeing beyond the instances of social, economic and political subversions unleashed by colonial rulers in order to arrive at a definitive point of argumentation about nationalism. Tracing the history of colonial occupations in the Third World countries, Smith observes how the European powers invaded the lands of the native people of Asia and Africa to enforce their dominion over homogenous societies seamlessly functioning within a normative system of values. Significance of the political and the economic parameters that used to direct these indigenous multiethnic groups into realizing their own future were severely downplayed by the colonial aggressors. Moreover, systems of education and civic laws that shaped the ethno-political identities of the people of the Third World were replaced with that of single dominant groups working arbitrarily. Such an oppressive scenario prevailed in the Indian subcontinent when the British colonizers settled there in the middle of the eighteenth century. However, the excruciating dominion of local culture and ways of life could not have gone unsparing and the overt disapproval of an alien domination eventually began to take a tangible shape when the Indians, armed with their mantra for freedom, keep revolting against the British colonizers throughout the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. To understand the threads that bind societies in accordance with their respective political orientations, scholars have identified specific ethno-political structuring of the Third World countries. Burnell and Randall identify five types of ethno-political morphology in the developing countries: homogeneous societies (as in Haiti, Korea, and Lesotho), single-dominant groups (as in Burma, Algeria, and Nicaragua), bipolar societies (as in Rwanda, Sri Lanka, Burundi, and Guyana), multi-polar societies (as in countries from the sub-Saharan Africa), and multiethnic societies (as in India and Indonesia) (118). As is apparent from this classification, multi-polar and multiethnic societies do share an organic similarity in terms of how they function and on what parameters they have been tagged. To begin with, it is quite clear that both multi-polar and multiethnic societies have multiple cultural orientations. However, the process of dissemination of the respective cultural aspects is different for each category. Cultural outgrowths in multi-polar societies tend to be radical and discriminating. There is very little interaction among different cultures, particularly after each finds its social foothold and political acknowledgement. But multiethnic societies are more lenient than their multi-polar counterparts in that the former allow for seamless exchange of cultural pleasantries among various groups. This process may be seen as a complex exchange of ethnic codes to induct the ingredients of proportionality and balance that are central to upholding social as well as communal harmony. When societies struggle to maintain the nationalistic agenda over a longer period of time and among various interest groups, they invariably crumble under political pressure from the ruling government. So it is imperative to recognize the longstanding issues that promote not just the interests of isolated factions of a larger group, but also the stake of the majority. India’s independence from the British colonizers in 1947 and the subsequent partition of the land bear testimony to the fact that separation, despite being an unavoidable implication of the changing of the guards, did cause disgruntlement among many nationalist leaders. Firstly, the separation was made at a time when the northern and the north-western parts of the undivided Indian subcontinent shared cultural similarities with the rest of the landmass. Hence, separation meant that the realization of a potentially ethnic nationalist movement was denied rather prematurely. Secondly, the independence of India and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan led to a political situation where an environment of mutual mistrust and doubt among leaders from both sides prevailed. Moreover, economic, cultural and social interchanges became increasingly problematic due to strategic reasons. By and large, the ethno-political factors behind the formation or the demolition of nationalistic movements owe primarily to the fundamental structures of the societies in contention. There are three types of nationalism: ethnic, civic and multiethnic. Ethnic nationalism refers to a staunch safeguarding of one’s own local culture against neighboring cultures. This may occur within the country, dominated by a single political party, or across borders when no unilateral politics is present. Consequences of ethnic nationalism manifest often themselves in violent forms, leading to ethnic clashes and genocide. Norbu argues that ethnic nationalism may be perceived to be the future trend of nationalism in the context of Africa. He substantiates his argument saying that ethnic conflicts within societies are of polyethnic nature, which stands in contrast to modern day monoethnic democracy and politics (197). Civic nationalism implies an affiliation to the given citizenship of a particular nation. It is a simpler form of nationalism in that ideological conflicts are less likely to occur in this mode. On the contrary, multiethnic nationalism presents a premise which is analogous to exercise of ethnic rights and preferences. Hence, this version often churns out intensified situations that are threatening to the integrity of the nation in general. The hegemonic interventions into politically motivated activities sponsored by separatist outfits may be classified as a giveaway to multi-polar society of multiple dimensions. However, the following case study of Bangladesh would entail an analogy that may adequately justify the singular dimension of bipolar society as well. While the case with Pakistan was centered on a dichotomy of authority, the case with Bangladesh prior to the nation’s independence in 1971 was different. What we know today as modern Bangladesh was known as East Pakistan following the emergence of the Republic of Pakistan in 1947. This event marked a distinct polarization of political, military and economic centers of gravity. The role of East Pakistan in internal affairs was downplayed by the rulers of West Pakistan. Hence, the developmental aspects of the eastern part of the nation came to a stagnating halt. Moreover, ‘internal colonization’, as Smith opines, began to take a definitive shape within the political framework of the country. Diminished number of Bengali representatives in the political parties and also in military created a situation which can be equated to the aforementioned state of oligarchy, where the control remained in the hands of a chosen few. Works Cited Burnell, Peter J., and Vicky Randall. Politics in the developing world. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Chatterjee, Partha. Nationalist thought and the colonial world: a derivative discourse. Tokyo: Zed Books, 1993. Clapham, Christopher S. Third World politics: an introduction. Madison, Wisconsin: Univ of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Conteh-Morgan, Earl. Democratization in Africa: the theory and dynamics of political transitions. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997. Feaver, Peter D. Armed servants: agency, oversight, and civil-military relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2005. Hawkesworth, M. E., and Maurice Kogan. Encyclopedia of government and politics, Volume 1. New York: Routledge. Huntington, Samuel P. The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993. Janowitz, Morris. Military institutions and coercion in the developing nations. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. Norbu, Dawa. Culture and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. New York: Routledge. Smith, Brian C. Understanding Third World politics: theories of political change and development. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2003. Wiarda, Howard J., and Esther M. Skelley. Dilemmas of democracy in Latin America: crises and opportunity. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005. Read More