Theories of Conflicts - Coursework Example

Lecturer: Conflict Theories of Conflicts The relative deprivation theory explains why people can not bear their miseries any more and therefore engage in terrorism. Egoistical and fraternal deprivation is also the major factor that fans conflicts that will result to terrorism because of the disparities between groups of people that live in particular place. These stories show people who have been marginalized by conflict that is created by the Tamil Tigers known for their notorious suicide bombings than any other terrorist groups. Joe Rubin is accosted by King, photo journalist and a non believer in violence. He loves Sri Lankan culture due to its multilingual, multi-religions and multicultural neighborhood. Paranoia theory shows the intolerable internal feelings of the Tamil Tigers who have killed many innocent souls and exploited the children rights by using them as soldiers and there antics go unreported because of the fear of being assassinated. Religious fundamentalism, because of its ability to serve identity needs, and the feeling that globalization, secularization, and Westernization will erode the good social fabric of society leads to the conflict between the government and the Tamil Tigers. Murder are rampant because the terrorist consider those siding with the government as impediment to their course (Rubin,123).Though a cease fire has been declared by the government, the Tamil ruled area is reluctant to the move due to the distrust it has to the government. They doubt whether democracy will prevail in the region that was formerly in their control if the government seized power thus denying the people room to exercise their democratic rights. The rational choice theory derives its meaning from economic and behavioral proclivity. It is evident in the policies set by the government and conflicting groups. Poverty and lack of education is the main reason for suicide attacks in the region. However, it is noted that every mortal man is bound to live in this world for a short time hence the need to co-exist peacefully with our neighbors. There should be no segregations basing on ethnicity, religion and political views. This is because every human being has the right for life (Bongar, 345). Many suicide bombers are driven in their barbaric acts by the desperations that they undergo in life. Moreover, war and violence takes toll on the overall growth of generations. Many suicide missions are carried out by women a figure estimated at 30% in Sri Lanka. This is because of too much sadness they experience when they grow up they give their lives to suicide missions explaining why Dharshika and many other suffering teenagers are engaged in suicide attacks. With their actions causing deaths to innocent people, their families are filled with grief and sorrow. It is known that terrorists undergo high levels of psychopathology because they come from economically deprived families thus having little education. According to Bongar (63), many suicide attacks are perpetrated by women and children used as soldiers showing how their minds are adulterated by inhumane teachings and feelings. They are considered as the minority groups in the society thus being easily exploited. This is because they undergo fraternal deprivation an indicator of having feeling of discontentment. The minority groups have challenges in meeting the goal of forming stronger bases to advocate for evolution and freedom of engaging in alternative activities that will bring development. The oppression theory is evident here when the terrorist organizations become efficient in their operations by asserting to their members how government repression and dictatorial regimes are harmful to their well being forming a welcoming ground for the dissatisfied individuals with the government efforts, and join the groups as recruits and are tasked to very dangerous missions leading social categorization a recipe for conflict (Bongar, 68). Democratic Republic of Congo The conflict emanates from control of resource and mineral rich areas. The militias are struggling to control the areas with minerals while the government fights them off for equitable distribution of natural resources so that the country can benefit by developments projects initiated by the government. With a weak government military side, both sides to take advantage of the anarchy and to plunder the natural resources. Rational choice theory is used here as a low cost strategy through which the subordinate groups leverage their power to successfully achieve their ends, by having a share of the vast mineral wealth both groups can easily finance their operations (Victoroff, 20-25). Strategic choice theory is where it gives an insight on the potential payoff between the militia groups and government actions on suppressing their activities leaving mostly civilians and women at risk. The risks and benefits to be accrued by fighting for control of the mineral reserves by the militia is to finance their activities easily predicting their behavior (Turner, 198). Frustration and aggression hypothesis-politically motivated as people are pushed to point of no return, use violence as a response to their frustrations. With many people striving to raise their economic bar, they opt to protect their wealth by rendering the services of the militias who operate in that area. This is due to the frustration that has built up that leads to the aggressive behavior of protecting their wealth. This is because of the millions of shillings that are raked from the sale of minerals and use of cheap labor. Thomas Lubanga built an army to eventually take control of Ituri. As his desperation grew together with other leaders, they resolved in recruiting children under the age of 15 to fight for their forces Union des patriots Congolais (UPC). This is why Thomas Lubanga and other leaders are found guilty of using child soldiers as military guards by the ICC court gross violation of the children rights by leaders trying to control power (Horondelle News Agency, 9). Relative deprivation theory; this is depicted through the economic disparities due to differences in material welfare, socio-economic background, and the high unemployment rate n the D.R Congo. These disparities arise because of the widening gap between the haves and the have-nots. With the harsh economic times being experienced, rich merchants recruit women and children to go and work in the mineral extraction firms. This has greatly reduced the life expectancy period of the women while increasing the infant mortality rates. In the end they are paid a paltry salary that is hardly sustainable for their families. This is against the international humanitarian law that protects people from exploitation of any manner. Sadiki (140), argue that the growth and development of infrastructure, public health and education have virtually been disregarded and only rely on outside sources and organizations for assistance. There has been inadequate infrastructure reconstruction as the areas affected by war have no electricity, unsafe drinking water and degraded roads. The banning of education has indirectly robbed the nation otherwise to be great leaders of the nation as the high illiteracy levels fan the activities of the militia groups. With the constant fighting children cannot go to school and are prone to being kidnapped and hence used as child soldiers. The low education levels make the population to be easily exploited because they are assumed not to be conversant with their rights. But as more frustration builds up some of the people decide to join the militia so as to have something on their table and support their families. This economic deprivation is fatal if the government is to succeed in stemming any acts of violence and unruliness in the militia controlled areas. According to the Guardian (3), oppression evokes political violence in ethnic sectarian violence. The Congo rebels are always over powering the UN forces therefore continuing the cycle of violence in the most volatile country in Africa. There has been inadequate infrastructure reconstruction as the areas affected by war have no electricity, unsafe drinking water and degraded roads. This makes people to be highly withdrawn to support any developmental activity. These factors are considered as the essentials of life which the militias take advantage of by inflicting forced labor to the locals to repair the roads to those people that refuse to obey their rules and command. According to the natural cultural theory, collectivists and individualists, there are isolated cases of vandalism in the D.R of Congo. There are efforts by Joseph Kabila to restore sanity in the war ravaged country. They partly blame the attacks on the Lords Resistance Army from Uganda. This has resulting in the displacement of tens of thousands of people. The various armed groups have seized control over mines and transportation routes and by selling the minerals a source of finance for their access to arms and ammunition. According to Turner (197) the D.R Congo is prone to rape and most of the cases are not reported because of the stigma associated with it. This vise is mostly perpetrated by men towards women and girls. But something astonishing is that it has some cultural attachment because some other women support it too. It is seen as a way humiliating women from other enemy group. Efforts are being made not to purchase minerals from the D.R of CONGO so as stem the war. Also the mining zones are to be demilitarized to prevent the occurrence of human rights violations. Also the mineral ore refining companies should document their source of minerals and recording their suppliers and make their records subject to independent audits. This is vital in curbing the blood stained minerals trade (Turner, 196-199). Theory group process subcultures coalesce in reaction and circumstances they consider as intolerable. After Kabila captured the presidency from the dictatorial regime of Mobuto Sese Seko the people knew their problems were over. But a rift ensued between Mr. Kabila and his former allies sparking a new rebellion backed by Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe supported Kabila and the country plunged into bloodshed again. The US-State Department argues that, the eastern part of the country in the year 2008, sporadic violence and attempted coups erupted. The Rwandan Hutu militias regrouped and started to fight with the government forces in April leading to displacement of civilians. This led to the springing up of refugee camps and the people there lived in deplorable and squalid hygienic conditions. Though peace deals are signed they are breached only after a short while because of clashes break out again. This is because of the mistrust they have for each other. The attack on government forces aggravates the exodus of civilians from the affected regions. In an attempt to calm the situation the Congolese government in 2009 made an agreement with the Rwandan government and mounted a joint military operation to flush out The Rwandan rebel Hutu. This led to the arrest of General Nkunda though the eastern region remained volatile because of the M23 rebels derailing the peace efforts that are being initiated. Summary profile of the conflict in Democratic Republic of Congo. The primary parties that are involved in conflict are the militia groups and the government. The dispute arises because the vast wealth of minerals in the country. Each party is trying to protect their autonomy over the mineral deposits something which the militia are not in support to because it will deny them revenue from the sale of the minerals. The government does not tolerate the violence that is being witnessed in the country though it is facing economic sanctions from other countries because of the gross violations of human rights. It was invaded by Rwanda and Uganda on claims that it was harboring about 2 million Hutu rebels; the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandese genocide and Uganda claimed they were some exiled Ugandan fighters who were based in Congo. These two countries were external supporters of the conflict and thus led to the ascent of power of Laurent Kabila. This led to the emergence of Bemba a long time opponent to Kabila and rebel leader, became the vice president in the transitional government after the 2006 elections. However, he was indicted by the ICC on crimes against humanity in Central African Republic between the years 2002-2003. He leads a rebel group with a political wing in the name of Congo Liberation Movement (MLC). Each side in the conflict repeatedly accused the other of violating the Lusaka accord, which seemed to exist only on paper. As of late December 1999 the deteriorating military and security situation pointed that the slightest incident could have triggered large-scale organized attacks against civilians, especially towards the ethnic Tutsis. Given the threat to the Congolese Tutsi community, they themselves could have triggered an anti-Tutsi offensive through violent actions against their neighbors. This led to the radicalization of Bemba’s group since his arrest posing a threat to the national security of Kinshasa government. This forms an impediment to Joseph Kabila’s government as it strives to rebuild the impoverished country. This has led to the UN to initiate a stabilization program and withdraw its forces from the regions. This makes the government to be described as both a hardliners and moderates basing on how it tackles its problems. Though there is general insecurity in the country, the civilians are not rest assured of their security either because of the attempted coup d’état on the presidents palace and nearby military base. It presumed the attackers were linked to Bemba’s MLC. Women and girls are more vulnerable in case if violence. This is because they are prone to rape and other inhumane acts on humanity. The perpetrators of this vice are mostly men in uniform whom they interact with daily. This contributes to the stigma associated with rape because they know their attackers. Some people like Bemba use rape as a weapon of war so as to intimidate their opponents. This is an astonishing fact because some rival groups use rape to punish civilians that are affiliated to enemy groups. The cases are hard to comprehend because also fellow women are involved. That is why most of the cases go unreported. The militias are hard lined to the extent of using children as soldiers by war lords such as Thomas Lubanga. This is violation of the children rights and it is against the international humanitarian law. They are denied access to education and in the long run the countries education system is crippled leading to high cases of unemployment rates and crime. However, humanitarian assistance organizations are on the fore front on discouraging this practice because it drags the countries economy by offering aid. The militias are fighting to control areas that are well endowed with minerals like tin, titanium, tungsten and gold. Various armed groups and ex-militia fighters who were integrated in the army still operate these mines and known for exploiting the workers. These are high value minerals and armed groups fight for their protection and by selling them they can buy weapons and other artilleries. The minerals are used in the manufacture of electronic gadgets. This has led to the formation of Congo Conflict Act 2009 that strives to pressurize these companies to document the suppliers of their raw materials (Prunier, 11). Being the profiteers of the conflict, the companies should be independent and show their auditing reports for scrutiny. This is because they argue that they can not track their supplier’s chain. The companies involved include the mobile phone manufactures, mainstream electronic companies, tin-can manufacturers, light-bulb manufacturing companies, circuit board and computer chip manufactures. The third siders of the conflict involved are the assistance organizations and aid providing countries like the US. These are tasked with the work of ensuring that they act as arbitrators to the conflict by providing humanitarian support. According to Pike (05) the peacekeeping operation (MONUC), the withdrawal of foreign troops, and the launching of an "Inter-Congolese Dialogue" to form a transitional government but the parties to the Lusaka Accord failed to fully implement its provisions in 1999 and 2000. Laurent Kabila drew increasing international criticism for blocking full deployment of UN troops thereafter. According to Pike (67), In June 2000, the President of the UN Security Council requested the UN Secretary-General to form a Panel of Experts on the illegal exploitation of the natural resources and other forms natural wealth of the DRC to pursue the reports and collect information on all activities of illegal exploitation of natural resources and other forms of wealth of the DRC, including in violation of the sovereignty of DRC and to research and analyze the links between the exploitation of the natural resources, other forms of wealth and the continuation of the conflict so as to reach an amicable solution. The psychological profile of the primary disputants The primary factors that are shaping the conflict in the DRC are the ethnic tensions, the spill over of the Rwandese genocide and a very unstable government that is characterized by frequent coups. The first war was witnessed in November 1996- May 1997. This led to the toppling of Mobutu Se`se Seko dictatorial regime culminating in the ascension into power of Laurent Kabila. There was little change as corruption and nepotism was rampant in government. In 1998, a string of wars followed and it is from there that the rebels formed their strong holds in the eastern provinces. This is because of the ethnic tensions that are prevalent in the eastern part of the country. This is because Mobutu gave the Banyamulenge from the east political power and in return there was increased ethnic strife between other communities. These led to the communities to regroup and fight for their supremacy. So as to remain viable and strong the communities formed military wings and financed their activities through sale of minerals in the regions they controlled (Wehr, 4). These led to these militia groups like the M23 rebels to be involved in acts of rape and sexual violence against women and girls. These cases would go unreported because of the stigma associated with rape because they were well aware of their attackers. The militia are heavily armed than the government forces making the situation more intolerable. So as to increase their numbers they went ahead and employed the services of children to be used as military guards. This has led to a slump in the economy of the country because there are no education systems that will churn out educated leaders in contrast to the junta type of leadership. The Rwandan genocide led to a mass exodus of people from Rwanda to DRC. Set up their base in the eastern part of DRC to attack the Kigali government. A chronically a very unstable area, the eastern part of DRC is majorly controlled by the rebels. This is because there is minimal government control over the region posing a major security threat to the country (Longman, 129). Burgess argues that another factor encouraging conflict is the Banyamulenge rebellion, whose main aim was to seize power from the eastern Kivu’s provinces and launch an assault against the extremist that were characterized with carrying out massacres against the natives. It later received support from the disgruntled sections of the government and coalesced with them to form a very strong force, Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Cong-Zaire under the stewardship of Laurent Kabila ousting Mobutu from power. Though the alliance did not last for long as the coalition partners turned against each continuing the cycle of violence. Up to date Democratic Republic of Congo is still a very volatile country though it has vast deposits of minerals. But due to the political instability the rebels continue to arm themselves as humans are subjected to gross violations of their by providing forced labor in the mine companies with little or no pay. So it is the efforts of the international community to try and support the affected people by offering humanitarian assistance (Prunier, 476). Proposal for conflict de-escalation and transformation.  Introduction The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo emanates from the notion that the Government is protecting its natural resources but they encounter the hurdle from the rebels who control the areas that are rich in minerals. The conflict is further escalated by the ever shaky and coup prone government. Since the government forces a is ill equipped than the rebels the prospects of achieving a stable government are always dim, as the elections near and the recent capture of Goma town by the rebels further aggravates the perennial problem of violence. This has led to the displacement of thousands of people since the war started. This has led to congestion of the refugee camp and those who were not lucky were killed, kidnapped to go and work in the mines, sexually assaulted, some taken forcefully to go and join the military wing of the rebels a motive that never excludes the children. Thomas Lubanga who is facing charges on crimes against humanity and using of child soldiers as his military guards, he was taken to the ICC court to answer the charges in the Hague. Moreover, the indictment of Bemba by the ICC is also healthy because of his radical views. This is a reprieve to the civilians as they can move without fear of attack or kidnapping thus going about with their daily business in peace. Another way of resolving the conflict is to integrate the rebel soldiers into the government forces. This will alleviate the problem of them going back into the bush in addition to denial they will face from the society. The encouragement of humanitarian assistance is also welcomed and also enactment of policies that discourage violation of human rights. The use of conflict transformation strategy like building constructive change, life giving opportunities, envision and respond, direct interaction and social structures, increasing justice and reducing violence and finally understanding human relationships which form the base of the volatility of the conflict (Lederach, 2003). According to Rubin and Jones (403-408), conflict resolution needs to incorporate an efficient and strategic approach so as to resolve conflicts amicably without causing damage to either of the parties. This will incorporate the policies of transformation and conflict resolution. Analysis The parties that are involved are the government, the militia groups, women, and humanitarian aid organizations, stake holders in education, the local leaders and the religious organizations. The government uses both ways to retard the growth of the rebel networks and at the same time must protect the image of the government. It must use minimum force to quell the violence but it can not achieve that because the rebels are heavily armed necessitating the need for assistance from the UN Peacekeepers. Also the civilians should never be caught in the line of fire as this is considered as crimes against humanity. The war is perpetuated also by the vast deposits of minerals that the rebels try to protect and as a result they grow more vicious in their operations because they have huge financial bases. This is coupled by the fact that arms are proliferated into the country due to its weakened border points and an under equipped government forces. This continues to prove to be a major hurdle in achieving peace in the DRC. The other stakeholders like the educationists and the religious leaders are very important people in conflict resolution. These are people who are bound to reduce the escalation of violence and other vices in the society. This is because they are accessed to a large number of people thus good vessels of relaying peace messages. The few educationists can actually sway the people’s perception about violence and in the long run fewer and fewer people will join the militia because they would have known the essence of being educated. Finally the humanitarian assistance is paramount to save the struggling people, provide medical care, counseling services for the rape victims, provision of food and shelter and finally trying to mediate to the government to stem the violence.    A description of your proposal: the proposal is aimed at looking always for ways of reducing violence and war in the DRC. It is a project that will involve all stakeholders and in order for the message to reach a large number of people the use of the internet would be advisable. The way conflicts should be handled should be in a manner that will not infringe on other people’s rights. The major problem of failed leadership is the root cause of conflict in the DRC. The proposal will be aimed at reducing political maneuvering of any kind so as to distract the public opinion. The leaders in power go ahead and betray their own people, moreover they are intolerable to criticisms and in the long run it is the people who continue to suffer because they have no choice. The major task of the proposal will be to search for ways that will de-escalate the violence in the DRC. The levels of violence are too high therefore the need to look for a short-term response and a long term strategy. The major component of this mode is the capacity to generate and re-generate change processes responsive to both immediate episodes. In the process we will make use of an adaptable structure that will produce creative remedy to different varieties of challenges that will pose a problem (Lederach, 2003). With the main objective of the proposal will aim at reducing the conflict levels to manageable levels through conflict transformation and de-escalation. This is to prevent the violence to grow to destructive levels and become intractable. This is easily achieved through democracy. Moreover, through transformation will understand the social conflict as evolving from, and producing changes in the personal, relational, structural and cultural dimensions of human experience. This will leads to promoting of constructive processes within each of these dimensions. Those parties that will be in charge of de-escalating the violence include; The Democratic Republic of Congo government, Rwanda and the international community are the main players who are tasked with the work of ensuing that Eastern DRC crisis comes to the end. This is because as the third party members of the conflict they can clearly see the probable ways of solving this conflict. This is vital because the government military is weaker than the rebels and it is not open to diplomatic talks and negotiations. By engaging others in negotiations chances of reaching for an amicable solution are greatly enhanced. The proposal will ensure that the third parties will be actively involved. It will make sure that the Lusaka Peace accord signed in July 10, 1999 is fully implemented, which will ensure that there is a joint military commission involving the parties in conflict, deployment of the international peacekeeping mission (MONUC) under chapter VII of the UN Charter. The political section of the accord will ensure that an inter-Congolese dialogue and making effort that will ensure re-establishment of the Congolese state over the entire national territory. The policies that will be used to achieve this objective include disputant policies and intermediary policies. Using the intermediary policies, the government officials will provide economic, social, and political assistance which are very vital in averting the development of intractable conflicts. The non-governmental organizations are will provide relationship networks that will prevent outbreaks of violence from surging into large-scale riots. Moreover, it will also provide channels through which exchange of information between the people of DRC and Rwanda and providing training on conflict resolution by publicizing the signs of human rights violations. The transforming policies entails appropriate changes in identities, grievances, goals and means of struggle by one party involved in the conflict. These policies will always be preceded by changes in leadership, a typical case being in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The leaders are good conveyors of reconciliatory messages. Next is the use of preventive policies is also paramount where the members of the opposing sides embrace democracy which will provide political equality. Policy that will ensure national identity, promotion of shared identity in addition to managing of the contentious issues that may crop up (Lederach, 2003). According to Essuman-Johnson (415), the possible barriers anticipated to be encountered is that the accord signed in 1999 for peace will lack the implementation engine, lack of political will by the Congolese government, and finally ensuring accountability by those companies that purchase minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo by providing audit reports for their mineral suppliers. The proposal will work because after South Africa facilitated the organization of the Pretoria accord which was signed by the remaining conflicting parties so that they could end the violence and form a government of national unity. This led to the formation of the Transitional government in July 2003. Joseph Kabila was to remain the president joined with four vice presidents representing former government rebel groups and political opposition. Kabila later won the 2006 and 2011 elections respectively to retain the presidency. Conclusion In summary the proposal is aimed at reducing the levels of conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo so as not to reach levels that may make it a continental menace. The solutions at hand in the proposal tend to advocate degree of political equality and of individual and group freedom, tends to reduce grievances of the Congolese. Besides, it provides legitimate mechanisms of expression which help channel the inevitable conflicts of social relations into acceptable forms so that they do not surge to destructive levels and become intractable (Kriesberg, 2003). Also the proposal will aim at generally approaching the issues of fostering common identities and interests, sometimes by developing goals whose attainment would solve shared problems, such as overcoming economic backwardness and advocating for good leadership but in contrast the solution can be used negatively to intensify another different conflict. For example, class, political, regional, or ethnic identities may be subordinated to national identity, as leaders struggle to seek support against an external enemy. Indeed, government and rebel leaders may undertake or escalate an external disagreement as a way of sustaining support for themselves (Rubin and Jones, 398-401). Work Cited Bar-Tal, Daniel. "Psychological Dynamics of Intractable Conflicts." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2004 Bellamy, Alex J. and Paul D. Williams (2011):   The New Politics of Protection? 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Retrieved November 20, 2012, from Countering Intractabilty: http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi-essay/countering-intractability Kriesberg, Louis. "Factors Shaping the Course of Intractable Conflict." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: October 2003. Lederach, J. P. (2003, October 13). Beyond Intractability. Retrieved November 19, 2012, from Conflict Transformation: http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi-essay/transformation Longman, T. (2002). The African Stakes of the Congo War. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pike, J. (2012, July 04). Military; Congo Civil War. Retrieved November 20, 2012, from Global Security: http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/congo.htm Prunier, G. (2011). Africas World War:Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe:. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rubin, Barnett R. and Bruce D. Jones (2007): Prevention of Violent Conflict: Tasks and Challenges for the United Nations  .  Global Governance, 13: 391-408. Sadiki, Koko (2011): From Conflict to Ever-Eluding Peace .  Peace Review, 23(2): 139-143. Sri Lanka: Living with Terror Frontline World/PBS, Produced by Nimmi Harasgama, Joe Rubin, reporter/videographer.  May 2002 Sri Lanka: A Terrorist in the Family.  Inside the Life of a Female Suicide Bomber. Frontline World/ PBS.  By Beate Arnestad, Aired October 2008. The Guardian, Democratic Republic of Congo Pages  Turner, T. (2011, May 25). Kabilas Congo: Hardly "Post-Conflict". Retrieved November 19, 2012, from Current History: http://www.currenthistory.com/pdf_org_files/110_736_196.pdf Two African Security Complexes. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations , 3 (10), 409-422. US State Department, Congo-Kinshasa: U.S. Policy Toward Post-Election DRC (2012): UN Charter Victoroff, J. (2005). The Mind of a Terrorist. Journal of Conflict Resolution , 49 (1), 3-42. Wehr, Paul. "Conflict Mapping." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: September 2006. Read More