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Democratic Role of Political Parties - Essay Example

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The paper "Democratic Role of Political Parties" investigates the democratic role of political parties in three countries, namely Canada, Mexico, and the United States of America in order to try and learn from the democratic experiences of these three countries…
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Democratic Role of Political Parties
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The Democratic Role of Political Parties in Canada, Mexico and USA Introduction In a democracy, it is important that political parties are able to represent the citizens who are members of these parties adequately and also political parties should be able to provide decent policy choices that are likely to result in good governance for the public good (Johnston, 1 - 8). Generally, it is desirable that the choices which are required to be offered by the political parties in a nation state are presented in political campaigns that attempt to sell the well thought out policies to the electorate and the issues are debated, voters educated as well as mobilized in order to seek a mandate to govern (Brox, 10 - 20). Political parties will have, generally speaking, carried out research on issues that are of importance to the electorate and try to seek the activation and reinforcement of voters underlying predispositions (Anderson, 1). Most citizens in a country are likely to agree that the reason for the existence of political parties is to provide coherent political options from which citizens can select what is best for them (Fox, 5 - 7). This means that in a democracy, political parties should be able to provide a platform for all those who have a common vision with a structure and a process that will make it possible for them to achieve the desired vision with the permission of a majority of electorate. The will of the electorate is tested in an election and those who have presented a vision that has an appeal to the majority are handed over the right to govern through their nominated candidates. Thus, brokerage, policy formulation and the election as well as support of the right candidates to public office is also an important expectation from a political party. However, it becomes necessary for political parties to establish a balance between the various roles that they are expected to play, because of resource constraints and priorities, as well as determining what may be more important. This brief essay attempts to investigate the democratic role of political parties in three countries, namely Canada, Mexico and the United States of America in order to try and learn from the democratic experiences from these three countries. Three political parties, namely the Bloc Québécois in Canada, Republican Political Party in the United States of America and the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) or the PRI in Mexico were selected for examination and the next section presents a discussion of how the previously mentioned political parties have contributed to the establishment of democratic norms within their countries and fulfilled expectations associated with accountability or responsiveness that are often associated with political movements. The Bloc Québécois of Canada, Republican National Party of United States of America and Institutional Revolutionary Party of Mexico The fundamental concept of democracy stresses the need to seek the opinion of the wider party membership and also that of the public at large at the time of elections in regard to the important decisions that have been made by the party. Thus, it is important that all political parties operating in a democracy have established principles for the regulation of a political party, are able to promote internal democracy within the party, build party organizations and grassroots party membership and endeavor to include women and ethnic minorities within the party membership (Norris, 3 - 29). A political party needs to have adequate funds if it is to adequately serve the interests of its members and the electorate at large. Political parties in many Western Democracies have suffered from a steady erosion of membership in the recent past and it has become necessary to rely on other revenue streams. Thus, it is important that a political party try to organize its finances in a manner that will permit the party to adequately communicate its message and to mobilize its supporters. Revenue streams from public funds, parliamentary party groups and national or regional party organizations as well as other innovative means of fund generation such as business activities and investments by political parties have now assumed an increased level of importance. However, it is expected that a political party will be able to generate its operating funds through legitimate means. The democratic culture in various democracies around the world varies and as a result of this variation, the manner in which political parties function, operate and are able to fulfill their obligations within a democratic nation also differ. Culture, history, traditions and economic realities are also likely to influence the manner in which political parties are able to contribute to a democratic heritage and it is worth investigating how political parties operate in several democratic nations in order to learn from insights that are to be gained from such an investigation. Attempts have been made to share and extend the lessons that have been learnt from contributions to democracy and the democratic processes from around the world in order to promote loose global coalitions that are committed to democracy and the democratic processes and to bring about some common good from diversity that is to be found around the world (Sehm – Patomäki, 1 - 15). It is important to focus on specific political parties, because the political culture that is associated with a political movement can be uniquely its own, regardless of the broad democratic culture that may be found in a nation state and hence, political movements have the capacity to either positively or negatively influence the democratic climate within a country. The Bloc Québécois was formed as a national parliamentary party in Canada in 1990 and has been described as being the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement in Canada (Cairns, 1 - 5). Although the separatist aims of the Bloc Québécois party may appear to be horrifying, it has been claimed that this party has contributed substantially to parliamentary deliberations on a wide array of pan – Canadian issues. Thus, it can be said that despite its separatist aims, the party has indeed contributed to the democratic process by presenting the views held by a substantial number of Canadian citizens belonging to the French speaking province of Quebec and the Bloc Québécois is one of the five recognized political parties in Canadian parliament. In view of the fact that the parliament in Canada is a forum that debates issues of interest to Canada and Canadians, with such issues being very diverse and not just confined to discussions of the separation of Québec from Canada, it is clear that the Bloc Québécois is not just debating separatist issues in Canadian parliament, but also contributes to all issues that are discussed. Thus, despite its separatist ideology, the party still presents the opinions of those that it represents for inclusion in the deliberations of the Canadian parliament which result in the formulation of laws and policy. It can, therefore, be said that the Bloc Québécois has adopted a democratic strategy of dissent, rather then indulging in armed or violent struggle for its ideology and this is what democracy is all about. However, it has to be accepted that the presence of this party, which wants to shake off its roots from Ottawa to present a national image, in the Canadian parliament is the cause of some tension, despite the fact that the tension has been managed as a result of democratic traditions in Canada. Democratic traditions require that governance of a nation be carried out in accordance with the wishes of the majority and although Bloc Québécois has, on occasions, demonstrated its ability to significantly influence national policy, this party has never been able to form government in Ottawa, because of the fact that the democratic rights and views of other parties are equally respected (Cairns, 19 - 21). However, it has been noticed that when Bloc Québécois members in parliament do present useful and interesting arguments in parliament about issues, these are ignored by the English media, which has a tendency to focus on sovereignty. Bloc Québécois has supported the universal social programs, elimination of family trusts and business loopholes as well as the Canadian peacekeeping efforts in Bosnia, maintaining a stance that can be considered as being closer to the more traditional Canadian values then the stance of some other parties, despite its separatist stance and this indicates that the party freely expresses the voice of its membership on principle only. Thus, Bloc Québécois has demonstrated how a band of separatists can continue to work effectively within a democratic system and promote the interests of those that they represent, while waiting for an opportunity to succeed from Canada, if and when such an opportunity is to present itself, which is rather unlikely. Apart from its separatist values, the Bloc Québécois is strongly committed to liberal and social – democratic values. The party’s parliamentary strategy can be summarized in terms of being the official opposition and for speaking for all Canadians, rather then those from Quebec only. Bloc Québécois has admirably performed its duty of extending a criticism of the work of the government in the interest of Canadian citizens. When the Employment Insurance Act was being debated in the Canadian parliament, the Bloc Québécois combined its role as the official opposition and its impressive knowledge of parliamentary rules to present the views of disadvantaged Canadians and the party has spoken for all workers including men, women, youth, the disabled and the working poor regardless of their location in Canada. When the Canadian Anti Terrorist Bill was being debated in parliament, the Bloc Québécois supported the principles that made it necessary to have a stronger anti – terrorism legislation after September 11, but wanted reasonable protection for civil liberties (Cairns, 32 and 55). The Bloc also supported the Crime against Humanity and War Crime Act when it was being debated in parliament and wanted increased powers of prosecution. Thus, despite the radical views held by its members, the Bloc Québécois has done a good job of representing the views of these members in Canadian parliament and has only chosen legal and constitutional means to further its position. Its elected representatives function just like any other member of parliament and do the duty of voicing the opinions of its supporters, while maintaining moral and ethical values along with respect for the rights of a majority of Canadians. The Republican National Party has had a long history of having a strong presence in the politics of the United States of America (Conway, 1 - 15). In the United States of America, the pattern of decentralization of the American government has been preserved by the loose and undisciplined structure of American political parties. Undisciplined and non - pragmatic political parties had failed to operate in a united and cohesive manner within the Congress. However, the Republican National Party has been somewhat different from others in trying to maintain a unity of purpose and mission by coordinating the opinions and requirements of its national membership in a coherent manner so that effective representation and action has been made possible within the Congress. This party is funded mainly from donations made by its members through direct mail in response to requests for contributions or other fundraising efforts with an average return of $ 26 per member. However, larger donations of amounts in tens of thousands of dollars have also been provided by party supporters. The funds which are provided from contributions have been used judiciously to establish a Republican National Committee and state as well as local branches throughout the United States of America. The Republican National Committee has developed an extensive capacity to provide services to state and local parties or their candidates. Examples of services that are provided include training, organizational development, assistance with data processing and assistance with the recruiting and training of local volunteers. Political parties and candidates in American politics are accustomed to receiving comprehensive and in – depth scrutiny by the public and the media. Even the slightest mishap or a slip of the tongue is very likely to be reported and discussed nationally. This public scrutiny has the result of keeping the system straight and it can, therefore, be safely assumed that the means by which Republican National Party generates its finances and carries out its internal regulation or political activities are indeed transparent and beyond reproach. By providing assistance to its candidates, training them and the volunteers and maintaining a constant contact with local issues and members through a judiciously established network which is in constant contact with the Republican National Committee, it has been possible for the Republican National Party to present a relatively more coherent stand on issues and to coordinate its strategy in the Congress (Conway, 5). The process of nationalization of the party system in the United States of America has created a system of increased interdependence and it is important that a successful national party be in a position to coordinate its activities in a huge country in order to present a coherent and well thought out stand on issues that face the nation so that something useful can be presented to the electorate during elections. However, since 1977, the path that had been taken by the Republican National Party for moving in the direction of national coordination has been somewhat different from that of the Democratic Party, which has chosen to place an emphasis on the reformation of party rules, adoption of charters and the creation of new national institutions for the party. The emphasis on restructuring communications that has been the hallmark of the Republican National Party has resulted in greater coordination and consultation on national issues with state and other local branches, resulting in greater coordination in action on a national level. In the United States of America, state legislative and Congressional district boundaries often do not coincide with county and county party organization boundaries and it is difficult to win by working with local organizations. The Republican National Party has, therefore, adopted practical measures to ensure success by working directly with candidates and their organizations. The candidates are carefully selected and the issues are well thought out after developing a national consensus resulting from discussion and these are then presented to the voters for approval (Conway, 10 - 17). The strategy adopted by the Republican Party to assist candidates by supplying them with money and services was in fact so successful that this strategy was also later adopted by the Democrats in the 1980s (Brox, 13). Also, the Republican Party was the party which attempted to develop better contacts with its members by utilizing the more expensive electronic forms of communication as compared to the more personal style of the Democrats. Hence, the Republicans contributed to democracy in the United States of America by trying to develop more coherent and broadly discussed party policies and attempting to reach the maximum number of party members as well as by trying to efficiently convince and recruit additional members. The previously mentioned efforts were added to in the form of support that was provided to the Republican candidates and this meant that a certain level of enhanced efficiency in the democratic process was to be observed, with all party members being able to have a say and being able to effectively support their candidates to win, so that the policies that had been carefully shaped could be implemented. The benefits that have accrued to the Republicans are obvious and can be seen in the success that has been enjoyed by the Republican President, Mr. George W. Bush, whose third term of office is set to expire in January, 2009. A political democracy that can work in South America has been described in terms of being a popular sovereignty under impartial rules with clear and enforced distinctions between public and private, free and honest popular elections, public accountability, one which makes compromise by vote possible with transparency and the implementation of a humanistic state that serves the people rather then robbing or depriving them (Severns, 26 – 38). However, in the context of Mexico, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), or the PRI has been described by many researchers as being a party which has managed to manipulate electoral results to hold on to power continually (Severns, 26). Despite the previous observation, it has to be mentioned that Mexico has economic problems and problems associated with the presidential domination of the political system which prevents the voice of the people from finding its way in public decision-making to give effect to a true democracy. The system is authoritarian and until recently, it has not reflected the interest of the polity. The PRI, which has also been known as the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR or National Revolutionary Party) and then Partido de la Revolucion Mexicana (PRM or Party of the Mexican Revolution), was in power in Mexico for about 70 years, since 1934 to the year 2000. It has been said that Lazaro Cardenas, the father of Modern Mexico, had created the PRI for long term survival, so that the status quo could be maintained and possibly serious work could be undertaken for the uplift of Mexico’s poor. Because of the poor economic conditions in Mexico, liberalism is often associated with wider economic good, rather then the right of individuals. Thus, although in order to have stayed on in power for as long as 70 years, the PRI must have constructed and retained mechanisms of coercion and control, it becomes difficult to compare what any other party could have done to bring greater prosperity for the Mexicans as well as delivering greater happiness all around. Certainly, the land reforms in Mexico which made it possible for the average Mexican to hold title to lands were initiated under the PRI. However, perhaps the PRI could have done more for democracy by encouraging a democratic spirit to evolve and to develop within the Mexican psyche. Perhaps, it had to take that long for the autocratic and aristocratic landowners in Mexico to give some sort of a chance to democracy? It has been said that the PRI in Mexico encouraged a vertically structured society so that social unrest and violence amongst the burgeoning masses could be avoided and labor, agriculture and middle – classes could be organized for the long term progress of the country (Garrett, 10 – 24). Laws could be manipulated under the PRI and the interests of those who were influential superseded laws. Decentralization was not given a chance to evolve and it is possible that the country as well as the communities could have received better economic management as well as financial assistance. The relations between the center and the communities ranged from outright coercion to the granting of subsidies and the creation of extension programs to reduce social pressures. Thus, it can be concluded that the PRI could have worked better for average Mexican citizen, if it had given some thought to the situation in the country and had sincerely wanted to provide equal voice and benefit for all Mexicans. The coercive tactics clearly indicate that the PRI was about defending the interests of a selected few, rather then for the honest uplift of all Mexicans. It is also possible that the external relations of Mexico and trade with the outside world could have been better developed if the PRI had more imagination and a sincere desire to serve the people of its land. Thus, despite the fact that it is difficult for those who have been accustomed to free markets, private ownerships and democracy to understand the situation in Mexico under which the PRI governed, it can certainly be said that the PRI has been somewhat lacking in the expectations that are usually associated with a political party in a democratic nation. The next and final section of this essay presents the important conclusions that can be drawn from the previous discussion. Conclusion From the previous discussion, it can be concluded that citizens do have some legitimate expectations from political parties that exist within democracies and it is generally expected that these political parties will work for the people honestly, sincerely and in a transparent manner, with all the ingenuity that they can muster. It is also to be expected that the views of all individual citizens will be considered along with their interests when presenting and debating policies that are to form the crux for the governance of a nation and that the sincere views of a majority will prevail, without any resort to violence or other undemocratic means if the ideas held by a faction do not appeal to all. Political parties are expected to establish the right traditions that contribute towards the shaping of a proper democratic heritage that is passed on to the future generations. Out of the three political parties that were considered in this essay, the Bloc Québécois in Canada and the Republican National Party in the United States of America have certainly tried to work in a democratic manner for the welfare and the uplift of their people and have tried to pass on the correct democratic traditions which can stand the test or examination of history. However, the role of the Institutional Revolutionary Party of Mexico or the PRI is somewhat controversial because it is entirely possible that despite the difficult circumstances in Mexico, if a bit more ingenuity had been forthcoming, the country could have been far more prosperous after a period of seventy years in power. Perhaps coercion was necessary for a while, but efforts should have been made to include the will of all Mexicans in the affairs of the nation. Despite the fact that the PRI did gradually forge ahead with land reforms and the private ownership of land for all Mexicans, it can be said that this party failed to establish the right democratic traditions that could have been passed on to future generations in order to shape the democratic heritage of Mexico. Bibliography / References 1. Anderson, Richard D. Discourse and Democracy in the United States. Stanford University. 1998. April 7, 2007. http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/polisci/faculty/anderson/APSA98.htm 2. Brox, Brian Joseph. Candidates, Parties and Campaign Effects in Congressional Elections 1999 – 2002. The University of Texas at Austin. 2005. April 7, 2007. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2005/broxb44134/broxb44134.pdf 3. Cain, Bruce E., et al. Democracy Transformed? : Expanding Political Opportunities in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. 4. Cairns, James. A New Approach to the Study of a New Party: The Bloc Québécois as a Party in Parliament. University of Saskatchewan. 2003. April 7, 2007. http://library2.usask.ca/theses/available/etd-09042003-154624/unrestricted/FINALTHESISWITHTITLE4Sept.pdf 5. Chalmers, Douglas A., et al. The Right and Democracy in Latin America. New York; London: Praeger, 1992. 6. Conway, Margaret M. Republican Political Party Nationalization, Campaign Activities and Their Implications for the Party System. University of Maryland. 1983. April 7, 2007. http://publius.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/13/1/1.pdf 7. Ellis, Richard and Michael Nelson. Debating the Presidency: Conflicting Perspectives on the American Executive. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2006. 8. Fernandes, Vasco C. Indifference and Political Parties. University of Durham. 2005. April 7, 2007. http://www.dur.ac.uk/anthropology.journal/vol13/iss1/fernandes/fernandes.pdf 9. Fox, Graham. Rethinking Political Parties. Public Policy Forum. 2005. April 7, 2007. http://www.crossingboundaries.ca/files/rethinking_political_parties.pdf 10. GaiÌdar, E. T. Days of Defeat and Victory. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1999. 11. Garrett, Benjamin Goggin. Mexican Political Development, Common Party Institutions and Opportunities for Collaborative Environmental Management. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. 2003. April 9, 2007. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-05142003-004030/unrestricted/GarrettBMajorPaper.pdf 12. Gatell, Frank Otto, Allen Weinstein, and Paul Goodman. Readings in American Political History: a Modern Reader. New York, Oxford University Press, 1972. 13. Goodman, Louis Wolf, William M. LeoGrande, and Johanna Mendelson Forman. Political Parties and Democracy in Central America. Boulder; Oxford: Westview Press, 1992. 14. Johnston, Michael. Political Parties and Democracy in Theoretical and Practical Perspectives. National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. 2005. April 7, 2007. http://www.accessdemocracy.org/library/1949_polpart_johnston_110105.pdf 15. Lawson, Kay. How Political Parties Work: Perspectives From Within. Westport, Conn.; London: Praeger, 1994. 16. Morales, Laura. The Role of Political Discussion in Modern Democracies in a Comparative Perspective. University of Murcia, Spain. 2006. April 7, 2007. http://www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr/events/jointsessions/nicosia/outlines/ws23.pdf 17. Norris, Pippa. Building Political Parties: Reforming Legal Regulations and Internal Rules. Harvard University. 2004. April 7, 2007. http://www.idea.int/parties/upload/pippa%20norris%20ready%20for%20wev%20_3_.pdf 18. Sehm – Patomäki, Katarina and Ulvila, Marko. Political Parties and Global Democratization: Lessons from the Past and Future Prospects. NIGD, Network Institute for Global Democratization. 2006. April 7, 2007. http://www.nigd.org/north-south-dialogues/global-political-parties/nidg_dp1_final_061027.pdf 19. Severns, Wanda M. The Internet, Mexico and Democratization: A Critical Analysis. Dalhousie University. 1999. April 7, 2007. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0015/MQ49442.pdf Read More
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