Interventions towards Food Security in India - a case of Kerala state in South India - Essay Example

Interventions towards Food Security in India- a case of Kerala in South India Table of Contents 3………………………………………………………… Introduction 3………………………………………………………… The Problem of Food Security in India 4 ………………………………………………………… Kuttunadu, Kerala 5 ………………………………………………………… The Importance of Kurala in the context of Food Security 6 ………………………………………………………… Kerala’s Public Distribution System (PDS) A Profile 7 ………………………………………………………… Improvement of the Situation- Some Signs 8 ………………………………………………………… Policy Implications 8 ………………………………………………………… Conclusions 9 ………………………………………………………… References Introduction Earlier, food availability and stability were considered the good indicators for measuring food security in any country and hence, achievement of self sufficiency was given higher priority in the food policies of the developing countries. But this concept has undergone through considerable changes as self sufficiency or food surplus alone will not solve the problem of food security. Though India has been a food surplus country since the late 1960’s (Green Revolution) and India was successful in achieving self sufficiency of food, it could not solve the problem of food security (Ahluwalia, 1993, Dre’ze and Sen, 1989, Khatme and Alber, 1997). Hence, the concept of food security has to be more inclusive in order to capture the dimensions of the issue. Availability of food to the needy people is considered to be food security. Normally, food energy intake at household level has been given priority in assessing food security. But in the case of Kerala state in India, it will be unrealistic to expect food self sufficiency. But through public intervention methods, importantly through Public Distribution System, Kerala has done considerable successful interventions in food security, though the problem has not been solved fully. The issue of food security in the form of non-availability of sufficient calorie intake exists only in exceptional marginalized pockets of the state (Ahluwalia, 1993 and Dre’ze and Sen, 1995). The Problem of Food Security in India The problem of food insecurity persists in India, even though it is a food surplus and food grains exporting country. Massive scale of chronic hunger and malnutrition are the sides of this problem. The prevalence of malnutrition in India is higher than many of the very poor African countries. The percentage of under weight children below five, is 43 in India while it is 28 in Sub Saharan Africa and 42 in South Asia. Likewise, the number and proportion of people living in chronic hunger in India is far above than any other country in the world (UNICEF, 2010). But when the children below the age of three are considered, then the situation seems to be more severe with 45.9 percent of children as malnourished and the anemia prevalence of 56 percent women. Again, data from the NNMB reveal that nearly half of the adult population had a body mass index below the norm in 1993-94 (Datta, 1998; Suryanarayana, 1999 and Gulati etal,). It is to be noted that the rate of decline of the malnourished persons has been very slow. The situation has again been worsened during 2008-09 with rapid increase in prices of food items like rice, pulses, vegetables, fruits, tea and edible oil. In many parts of India, retail prices rose 20-25 percent for many items during this period (Patnaik, 2009). In this context it is worthwhile to assess the major public interventions in India aiming at enhancing food security. Policy interventions address the problem of food security from both angles- from household/individual levels and producers. The former is related with the distribution side and latter with supply side. As India is mainly a food surplus country, interventions for enhancing food security from individuals’ point of view is more relevant than supply side. The largest food-security intervention in India is its Public Distribution System (PDS). PDS aims to provide access to free or cheap food for all individuals throughout the country through ration shops and other public stores. Through Midday Meal Programme, noon meals are provided to the children in primary schools. About 31.6 million tones of food grains including rice and wheat were provided through PDS in 2006-07 and through other food based welfare schemes, 5.1 million tones of food grains were distributed among the needy. Kuttunadu, Kerala Kerala, a small state with an area of 315 sq,km lies in the southern tip of the nation having the south-east boundaries shared by Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea. The total population of the state is 3.34 crores (Census of India, 2011) and its density of population is, having the second highest in the country (see Table.1). Table. 1 Demographic Indicators Population 3,33,87,677 Sex Ratio 1084 Population Density 859 Literacy Rate 93.91 Crude Birth Rate 16.6 Total Fertility Rate 1.7 Source:Census of India, 2011 The spread of population is almost even and hence, the agricultural land is highly scattered. Though earlier Kerala was known as an agro-economy with trade linkage with other nations and continents even before centuries owing to its unique geographical location with access to sea routes. The economic growth of the state was not satisfactory until recently. Due to its high density of population and lower agricultural productivity, much land was not dedicated for agricultural purpose (Irudaya Rajan,2004) (see Table 2). Table. 2 Operational Holdings (2009) Size Class (acres) Number Area 0.5 to 1.0 93.96 53.24 1.0 to 2.0 4.16 20.44 2.0 to 4.0 1.52 14.24 4.0 to 10 0.31 6.07 Above 10 0.05 6 Total 100 100 Irrigated Area per 100-hectares of cropped area Kerala 2008 15.12 India 2008 40.06 Per capita income 2009 Government of Kerala, 2011 Another important side of the economy is that it is highly service dependent economy since early nineties. Since 16th century onwards (especially after the arrival of Vasco da Gama), the agricultural crops were increasingly dominated by the cash crops. The privilege of accessibility to the trade with other countries of the world was the main reason of shift from eatables to the cash crops. Kerala had a proud culture of paddy cultivation and rice is the important cereal produced and consumed by Keralites. Even though, the area and production of paddy cultivation has been drastically declined, vast green paddy fields are not rare in Kerala. Kuttanadu (part of Alappuzha district- Kerala state has got 14 districts) is called as “rice bowl” of Kerala because of its large scale paddy cultivation. Thrissur and Palakkad (other two districts) are succeeding Alappuzha in this regard. Though other areas of Kurala are sacrificing food security for commercial ‘cash crop’ expediency, the Kuttanadu district is very agrarian; and noteworthy for its practice of farming below sea level. (Kuralatourism.org, 1998) It remains a definite rice-basket, and perhaps holds the potential to carry the slack for the rest of the state, in terms of food security. The importance of Kerala in the context of Food Security This south Indian state has got universal acclaim in many respects (United Nations, 1975) and it is sometimes called ‘Kerala Model’ due to its particular development experience (Leiten, 2002). It has got relatively good standard of living, (it can be compared with many of the developed nations), with relatively low per capita income. Kerala had a high life expectancy and low infant mortality rate and low fertility rate. It has got the highest literacy rate among Indian states having 94.20 percent for males and 87.86 for females, according to the Census of 2001. These social indicators of development are comparable with many developing and developed countries. But the per capita income of the state was 19,461 rupees, which was roughly equivalent to US$ 432!!.(Sato 2004). Hence, Sen and Dre’ze describe this particular development experience and the state is appraised for its high standard of living with low per capita income (Dre’ze and Sen 1989). On the whole, the significant shifts in crop cultivation have heralded economic, and social changes within the state, granting a picture of modern land usage. The areas of Kerala under active cultivation increased from 2.3 million hectares in 1960 towards 2.9 million hectares in 1969. These changes were accompanied by a noticeable rise in rice cultivation (Oryza sativa). Between the years of 1955 and 1970 area utilized by rice grew by 150,000 hectares. (ha) Since that time however, the greatest extent of cropped area remained essentially static. But areas under rice cultivation fell by approximately 526,000 ha. This represents at least a 60% decline between 1975 and 2003. (Kumar, 2005) At the same time, there has been a considerable coconut (Cocos nucifera) and rubber (Hevea brasiliensis) growth boom. The area of the aforementioned crop, (coconut) increased by 106% between the years 1955 and 2000. After which a stabilizing trend occurred. Also increasing was the area of rubber cultivation in Kerala. An increase of 627% occurred in the state between 1955 to the year 2000. Other crops that increased cultivation area within the same period included bananas (41%), and plantains (96%). (Kumar, 2005) In this case, immediate economic security is arguably taking precedence over food security, with the rise of cash crops; which also include pepper, ginger, and coffee. (Kumar, 2005) It is not difficult to imagine that shifts of this kind can have a troubling impact on food security for Kerala. The entire state presently is required to import more than half of its actual food-grain supply. (George & Chattopadhyay, 2001) Though recently, its per capita income has increased modestly, it does not belong to the group of high income states in India. Even now, its per capita income is below that of Punjab, Haryana and Maharashtra, the high income states of India. It is not the economic growth that led the state to a high human developed state, but its public intervention in many crucial fields that ensured its high human development. The public intervention areas in the state are education, health and food security. Government intervened in these needy areas by ensuring i) free primary education for all through government or government aided schools, ii) free health facilities for the poor through the public health centres and government hospitals and iii) free or subsidized food through its special food security programmes. Kerala government has experimented and implemented several novel schemes as part of food security programmes, for increasing the food grain production as well as distributing the available food for all (Mencher, 1980). It is noteworthy, from the supply side of the issue of food security, that Kerala lost over 500,000 hectares of paddy fields during the period of 1980 and 2007. (Keralapromoter.com 2011) But by intervening seriously and deliberately through several schemes as well as government orders and laws, 15,000 hectares of fallow land have again been brought under paddy cultivation. On a local level, the Kuttanadu district is indeed integral to the government’s plans for food security; as sort of a rice-paddy safety net for lean times. (Keralapromoter.com 2011) During this small period of 3 years, the rice production has increased by 1.25 lakh tones while the upland cultivation of rice production started in another 1000 hectares (Mukherjee, 2010). In this context, it is interesting to examine the major intervention programmes in the distribution side of ensuring food security in Kerala. Kerala’s Public Distribution System (PDS) Universal Public Distribution System in India was started in 1970-71 all over the major states of the country. India’s PDS is a rationing mechanism and specified quantities of selected commodities are distributed to all households at subsidized prices. Fair price shops sell the commodities to the households and the criterion to get commodities through these fair price shops is to have a ‘ration card’(Mencher, 1980; Sato, 2004; Namboodiripad, 1994). Only the card owners are eligible for availing items through ‘ration shops’. In 2006, 5 lakh ration shops in the country and these were run by private agents and co-operative societies. Many of them were owned by the State. In 2006, 222.2 million families had ration cards and there was one ration shop for an average of 454 ration cards (Government of Kerala, 2010). The PDS in Kerala in terms of ration cards, ration permits for institutions and others is shown in the following table. Table 3 Public Distribution System in Kerala- A Profile Year 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Ration Cards for Families 6611298 6777075 6986017 7025638 7034886 Ration Permits for institutions 15215 14187 14101 13302 10952 FCI Sub depos 22 21 20 20 22 Co-operative stores 671 630 543 508 460 Other shops and stores 13801 13898 14004 14078 14120 Source: Government of Kerala, 2010 The main objectives of the PDS in the country is to ensure price stability of essential commodities, to increase the welfare of the poor by providing them basic foods at low prices, to implement food rationing during famines and scarcities, and to keep a check on the private trade by controlling speculation and black marketing. In this context of malnutrition and high food prices, access to basic food at subsidized prices is an important and critical state intervention. In response to the food crisis during 1960’s, during the beginning of 1970’s government took an elaborate steps for ensuring food for all. Agricultural Price Commission and the Food Corporation of India was established during this period in order to procure and store the domestic food items (Namboodiripad, 1994). Though the PDS was introduced in all the major states in India, PDS in Kerala deserves special attention. It has been the only Indian state with a universal coverage (though it is a near universal) of the PDS. In 2001, 95 per cent of all households were covered by the PDS and possessed a ration card. PDS ensured per adult entitlement of 13.8 kg of food grains monthly, which is higher than the minimum requirement of 370grams per day. Though the PDS in Kerala was universal, the system was progressive in the sense that poor people relied on PDS than the rich. Due to the effectiveness of the PDS, the consumption and nutrition has been improved commendably in Kerala. PDS in Kerala has effectively addressed the problem of food security concerns of the poor by improving low level of cereal and calorie consumption (Nair, 2010). Introduction of Targeting Pubic Distribution System during the post reform period has got several weaknesses. A good number of Fair Price Shops were incepted for selling food items at official prices during 1957-60 while Statutory Rationing System was introduced in 1966, under which 3.32 million ration cards were issued. It is to be noted that the state population at that year was 19.19 million and average number of family size at that time was 5.4 people and hence about 93 percent of the total population in the state was covered under Public Distribution System in Kerala. The goods rationed under PDS included rice, wheat and sugar. The percentage of coverage in the year 2001 is 96 percent in the state. And the 5.4 persons are covered by one card and 2356 persons (436 cards) come under the purview of one ration shop (Sato 2004). Compared to other Indian states, in the process of distribution of ration cards, there was absolutely no intervention of the local bosses. It is also said that bureaucratic corruption and other distortions in the system were rare (Indrakanth 1997 and Swaminathan 2000). Even in Kerala, which is known for its success in PDS, there exists a gap between the number of ration cards and the quantity of food availability. This may be because of the avoidance of purchase of food grains due to the low quality (Mooij 1999). The relevance of the PDS in Kerala lies in the fact that it is a 75 percent food deficit state and it has got nearly hundred percent coverage of ration shops. Again, PDS provided 50 percent of the total consumption of cereals in the state and this argument was strengthened by Shariff (1999). Improvement of the Situation- Some Signs Since the formation of the state in 1957, the changing governments in the state have given utmost care for ensuring food security for all by way of the Public Distribution System, in part. Because of the constant efforts, Kerala’s consumption expenditure for food and non-food items has reached to a better position compared to all India average (Leiten, 2002; Sato, 2004; Nair, 2010). Table 6 Average Expenditure (in Rupees) on Food and Non food Items per person for 30 days – 2006-07   Kerala India   Rural Urban Rural Urban Food 505.52 578.85 363.42 517.25 Non Food 744.84 1102.63 331.75 795.25 Total 1250.25 1681.48 695.16 1312.5 Source: Government of Kerala, 2010 The impact of the public intervention for securing food for all can well be seen in the long run health status of the people (World Bank, 2001). The indicators of average calorie intake and consumption expenditure have been improved over these period and simultaneous improvement of vital statistics of infant mortality and life expectancy can also be seen. Improvements in infant mortality rate and life expectancy are the good indicators of the effectiveness of public intervention schemes including food security interventions, in the long run (Kannan, 2010). Table 7 Health and Nutritional Improvement- Some Indicators   1981-85 2008 Average Calorie intake 1884 2014 Average Consumption Expenditure 1300.9 2359.2 Infant Mortality Rate 28 11 Life Expectancy Rate 68 79 Government of Kerala, 2010 Policy Implications India’s role as economic power has been recognized on the one side, and with chronic hunger and malnourishment, India surpasses many developing countries on the other. Since economic reforms in 1991, policies ensuring food security has been weakened in the country and the impact on nutrition and consumption has been critical. Due to the high inflation rate the situation has become again worsened. The key objectives of economic reforms are to reduce food subsidies, leave the food distribution to the market and target the food to the poorest among the poor people. Due to the policy of subsidy cut, the percentage of food subsidy fell from 0.99 percent of GDP in the 2002-07 to 0.6 percent in 2006-07 (Patnaik, 2001; Swaminathan, 2008). One of the important instrument through which food security is ensured in Kerala is PDS. An important change during the reform period is that, the PDS has become targeted. To a journey of ‘efficiency’ through narrow targeting, many of the people who are entitled of having access to PDS has again been left out of the PDS. Many of the agricultural workers and manual household workers are not eligible for ration cards. 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