What Has Been the Contribution of Women to Irish Nationalism - Essay Example

What has been the contribution of women to Irish nationalism? Introduction The aim of this essay is to discuss the ways in women have contributed to Irish nationalism. Traditionally, women were confined to their roles at home as homemakers and teachers but over time, they used the space made available through Irish-Ireland movements to influence the public sphere. The essay will discuss how women used this traditional role to promote Irish nationalism by encouraging the use of the Irish language as opposed to English in Ireland. It will also discuss the role of women’s nationalist organisations and how these organisations shaped the public and political sphere of Ireland. Finally, the essay will evaluate the contribution women made to Irish nationalism by encouraging the Irish population (especially women) to buy Irish-made products to help develop their country’s economy. Building on women’s role as homemakers and teachers The contribution of women to Irish nationalism can be seen from Biletz’s (2002) argument that the Irish-Ireland movement clearly acknowledged that Irish women, even though limited to their conventional role as homemakers and teachers, could play a crucial role in developing the Irish nation. In deed, as will be discussed in this essay, women have played a crucial role in Irish nationalism through their contributions in various areas including revival of the Irish language, ensuring that Irish children are educated in the national history and culture, forming their own nationalist organisations and promoting the use of Irish-made products in order to strengthen the Irish economy (Biletz 2002). In addition to this, many Irish women’s movements have used the media to promote their ideology. Further many organisations, including those pursuing political agenda and those pursuing a cultural agenda, have been more receptive to signing up the support of women (Biletz 2002), thus enabling women to contribute further to Irish nationalism. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, significant reforms were implemented, allowing women to partake in some roles of building the Irish nation beyond their traditional role of being homemakers. For instance, after 1896, women were able to work as poor law guardians, and two years later, they were allowed vote in local elections (Biletz 2002). In spite of these changes, Biletz (2002) points out that women were still denied freedom to participate in national elections, and this meant that opportunities for women to be involved in national politics remained scarce. However, the role of women as homemakers was strengthened as a symbol for women’s contribution to their country. MacPherson (2012) argues that through their practical, day to day work in the house or by assisting other women to improve the quality of their daily lives, Irish women at the start of the twentieth century regarded themselves as contributing to a rising sentience of Irish identity (23). The same phenomenon can be said of Germany, where a book by Nancy Reagin (cited by MacPherson 2012, 23) argues that national identity in Germany was shaped by domesticity. The Irish situation has been described by one scholar as “a view of female domesticity that saw women’s role in the home as the foundation for intervention in the public sphere” (Pašeta 2013, 22). This means that women used their traditional influence at home to progressively influence events at the national level. According to Dworkin (2012), during the last years of the nineteenth century, nationalist movements like the Gaelic League, which was formed in 1893, were promoting the Irish language in public and private life. The Gaelic League was a unique organisation because unlike other nationalist organisations, it allowed women to become members and involve themselves in its activities. Although women did not play an equal role as men in the management of this organisation’s activities, they were able to influence events at the national level in several ways. For instance, a key female member of the Gaelic League, Mary Butler (1872-1920), acknowledged that male dominance was prevalent within nationalist circles but visualised a political role for women in the domestic sphere as opposed to the public sphere (53). Through her various contributions in Irish-Ireland newspapers, Butler reasoned that respectable Irish women could make significant contribution to developing an independent Irish country through several activities carried out in their own homes. She noted that in addition to Irish women bringing up children speaking their own language, the women could also encourage their children to have pride in their national history, ensure that they are immersed in Irish culture, and buy household items manufactured in by the Irish (Biletz 2002). Women’s contribution in revival of the Irish language As indicated above, one of Mary Butler’s (and other women’s) notable contributions to Irish nationalism was advocating that women learn the Irish language and teach it to their children (Dworkin 2012, 53). This is just one of the cases that exemplify the role that women played in reviving the Irish language. Mary Butler and other women in the Gaelic League wrote many pieces of literature which constantly reminded women their role as nurturers and teachers of the coming generations. In particular, Pašeta (2013) argues that Butler was of the opinion that the domestic work done by women was not inferior to or less important than the civic work done by men. She (Butler) placed women’s power in the home at the centre of cultural revival. She called for the nationalisation of education as well as home life and emphasised that the whole onus of work fell on women (22). Such forms of encouragement gave women special functions and responsibilities in the revival of the Irish language (Pašeta 2013, 21-22). Prior to the focus on reviving the Irish language, there was evidence of a rapid decline in Irish speaking as indicated by Dworkin (2012, 54). According to Dworkin (2012), the use of Irish in everyday life in Ireland was in free-fall in the nineteenth century. While 50 per cent of the population in Ireland spoke Irish in 1845, this figure had declined to 23 per cent after the Famine in 1851. This trend had extended to the end of the nineteenth century, as by 1891 the number of Irish speaking people had declined to 14.5 per cent (53). There is no doubt therefore that the use of Irish by women in bringing up children would increase the speaking of Irish in Ireland since as homemakers, mothers would spend most of their time with their children at home. Although many factors, including the undisputed economic advantage of knowing English have hastened the loss of the Irish language, the language has managed to stay strong as an epitome of Irish nationhood (Cotter 1999, 371). This is partly due to the fact Irish is used among many families – especially by mothers who have traditionally played the role of bringing up children, and partly due the fact that Irish was named the first official language when the Republic of Ireland was established in 1922 (Cotter 1999, 371). Cotter (1999) further notes that language-attitude surveys carried out by the Institúid Teangeolaíochta Éireann (Irish for Linguistics Institute of Ireland) in 1993 indicated that there was a strong link between the Irish language and national consciousness. Seventy-three percent of the participants agreed that “no Irish person can be against the revival of Irish” (371). Cotter (1999) also quotes information contained in the Irish Times newspaper of January 15, 1999 which indicated that there was an increase in the use of the Irish language by preschool children to 4.5 per cent as compared to 3 per cent in adults (371). This again emphasises the role played by women in ensuring that Irish speaking becomes a symbol of Irish nationalism. Emphasis of the fact that women have contributed to Irish nationalism is presented by Hurtley et al. (1998), whereby the author notes that two worlds still exist in Ireland: the Gaelic and English-speaking worlds. Among the Gaelic speaking population, there is some level of identification of women with the sovereignty of Ireland, which dates back to many years ago (83). Contribution through nationalist women’s organisations Women also contributed to Irish nationalism through the formation of their own organisations. The significance of these organisations is that they not only had a feminine outlook due to their female membership but also produced publications which undoubtedly influenced the national politics. This essay will highlight the activities of the two women’s organisations that were closely connected to Irish nationalism: Inghinidhe na h-Éireann (Inghinidhe) and Cumann na mBan (McKenna 2011, 111), and others. According to Pašeta (2013), Inghinidhe na h-Éireann (Inghinidhe), or the “Daughters of Erin”, which was founded in 1900, was one of the most significant political organisations established in early twentieth century Ireland. The fact that the organisation was established for and by women only enhanced both its uniqueness and attraction to the women who joined its membership (33). When Maud Gonne (1866-1953) founded Inghinidhe, she also had the objective of ensuring that women and girls could pursue the Irish language, literature and drama. This was not in doubt since Gonne was also an active member of the Celtic Literary Society and the National Players Movement. In addition, Gonne was also the founder of L’Irlande Libre (Free Ireland), a journal devoted to the Irish struggle (Jensen, McBay and Keith 2011). Although Jensen, McBay and Keith’s (2011) depict the “Daughters of Erin” as being more of a literary organisation, evidence that it was a political organisation is suggested by Sawyer (2002) through a description of the organisation’s activities. According to this author, members of Inghinidhe had something in common with two other organisations that worried Dublin Castle – the Gaelic League and the Gaelic Athletic Association. Like the Gaelic Athletic Association, members of the Daughters of Erin wanted to have a ‘Gaelic’ impact on young people across Ireland, and the ultimate purpose was to ensure that Ireland completed its autonomy from the rest of the United Kingdom (62). The Daughters of Erin group mainly focused on establishing a new Irish identity, one whereby women were not solely perceived as wives and mothers (Columbus 2009). The Inghinidhe group is described as a revolutionary women’s organisation that offered a place for female nationalists who felt unwanted in existing male-dominated nationalist groups (Depuis 2009, 77). The members of the group, who included Madeleine ffrench-Mullen who had served as a volunteer in the Irish Citizen Army, also wanted to advance the rights of women and emphasised a new nationalist philosophy that accentuated the significance of Irish life (Columbus 2009; McKenna 2011, 111). The group’s popularity grew especially because there was an increasing number of women’s political and pressure groups involved in pursuit of Irish nationalism and beyond. For instance, in 1908 the Irish Women’s Franchise League was founded and its cause was not much different from that of Inghinidhe (Pašeta 2013, 34). Interestingly, Pašeta observes that while Inghinidhe would ordinarily be perceived as a feminist group because of its membership, its members prioritised nationalism over feminism (34). This is demonstrated by the fact the group had another notable member who was a member of the Irish Citizen Army, the Countess Markievicz. This discussion so far shows the extent to which women were committed to fighting not only for their rights but also for the identity of women in Ireland as a nation. Since Inghinidhe members wanted their ideas to be known across the wide public, they used a newspaper published as Bean na hEireann (Woman of Ireland), which they believed would the best method for spreading information (Columbus 2009). The newspaper was a monthly publication and it circulated from 1908 to 1911. It was unique in that it also promoted the Gaelic language since each issue had at least one article written in Gaelic language. Aside from the newspaper itself, Inghinidhe members also produced leaflets that campaigned against Irish enlistment in the British Army. In particular, the leaflets were circulated to Irish women on O’Connell Street in Dublin, and urged the women not to consort with British soldiers (Trotter 2001, 88). It is based on this that some writers have argued that Irish women, through Bean na hEireann, fought a “bloodless guerrilla war against the British Empire” (Columbus 2009). In other words, the women used their newspaper to dissuade the public (especially women) from any form of cooperation with the British Army, which was perceived to be an extension of British rule over Ireland. In addition to these, Irish women led by Maud Gonne founded other organisations such as the Women’s Prisoners Defence League, through which they protested against the British government’s repression of dissent (Cook 2006, 232). Some years after ceasing the publication of Bean na hEireann, there arose another women’s political organisation in 1914 named Cumann na mBan (Women’s League). McKenna (2011) asserts that Cumann na mBan emerged from Inghinidhe when the latter merged with other groups (111). The formation of the Women’s League was the first organised political initiative by women of Ireland (Dowler 2005, 138). With its establishment, the organisation not only enabled women to resist British rule but also encouraged them to join the political landscape. This was clearly evident in the writing in the Cumann na mBan’s constitution which said, “Cumann na mBan is a an independent body of Irish women pledged to work for the Irish Republic, by organising and training women of Ireland to take their places by the side of those who are working and fighting for its recognition” (McKenna 2011, 111). So significant was this organisation that on 23 April 1916, the military council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood integrated it, as well as the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, into the Army of the Irish Republic (McKenna 2011, 111). This implies that having been integrated into the Army of the Irish Republic, Cumann na mBan was able to have its ideologies used against the British. Without a doubt, a statement issued by Cumann na mBan in 1919 indicated that the organisation’s members had participated in the Easter Rising, an armed insurrection that was staged during the Easter Week of 1916. The women had rallied under the Irish flag, taken their places in the fighting line, and helped in every other way to ensure the establishment of the Irish republic. The statement also praised members of Cumann na mBan for regaining for the women of Ireland the rights that they were entitled to during the old Gaelic civilisation, where one’s gender was not used as a bar to citizenship (McKenna 2011, 111). Contribution through buying Irish-made products Women also contributed to Irish nationalism by buying products made in Ireland. The Gaelic revival was particularly responsible for this initiative in that it encouraged its members to self-consciously carry out a notion of Irish identity through their selections of dress, speech and behaviour. People were encouraged that buying an Irish product or wearing a reproduction of Tara brooch (a Celtic brooch), or speaking Irish instead of English was an embodiment of acting out an identity to offset that imposed upon the people of Ireland by the British. This notion would characterise many places, including nationalist theatres, throughout the initial years of the Irish dramatic movement (Trotter 2008, 9). So widespread was the notion of the need to buy Irish-made items that members of Irish nationalist organisations used to inform each other with pleasure the name of a shop where an Irish-made item was being displayed or sold. One republic activist, Helena Molony described how she would go around looking for Irish-made items: she would walk into a shop and ask for the items she knew were manufactured in Ireland but, on realising they were not made in Ireland, she would make it clear that she would purchase only the Irish-made item and walk out of the shop (Pašeta 2013, 23). There is not doubt that such a strategy would compel shop owners to supply mostly Irish made products if they expected to sell them to the Irish. Women’s choice for Irish-made clothes would indubitably have a significant influence on what would be supplied in shops since women are frequent shoppers of clothes. As Pašeta (2013) points out, wearing Irish became important for activist women since wearing Irish emphasised the nationalist messages that they were sending across. Thus, purchasing, wearing and consuming Irish-made products became for Irish women both a nationalistic duty and a social responsibility. Even the women’s newspaper, Bean na hEireann, advised that to reduce unemployment in Ireland, every woman had in her own hands one easy and quick solution – the support of Irish-made products (23). What this meant is that by buying Irish-made products such as clothes, women would help promote the manufacturing industry in Ireland and hence help in creating more employment opportunities for the Irish. Conclusion In conclusion, this essay has discussed the various contributions that women have made to Irish nationalism. The realisation that women could use their traditional roles as homemakers and teachers acted a stepping stone for women to venture into the public sphere. They did this effectively by teaching the Irish language to their children and promoting its use. Women like Mary Butler, who was a member of the Gaelic League, used their influence to ensure the Geelic language ws taught and used widely. They noted that bringing up children speaking their own language, encouraging them to have pride in their national history, and ensuring that they are immersed in Irish culture would promote their Irish identity. In addition, women established organisations such as the Daughters of Erin and the Women’s League, through which they promoted their feminist and nationalistic ideologies. In addition to these organisations, members used print media such as the Inghinidhe and leaflets through which they opposed British domination over Ireland and encouraged the use of the Gaelic language, a symbol of nationalism for Ireland. Significantly, they also participated directly in uprisings against British rule such as the Women’s League’s involvement in the Easter Rising of 1916. Finally, women also campaigned for the use of Irish-made products such as clothes, a view they perceived as not only promoting their identity but also supporting the economy of their economy by providing more employment opportunities for Irish workers. References Biletz, Frank A. 2002. Women and Irish-Ireland: The Domestic Nationalism of Mary Butler. New Hibernia Review 6(1): 59-72. http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/new_hibernia_review/v006/6.1biletz.pdf (accessed February 4, 2014). Columbus, Brittany. 2009. Bean na h-Éireann: Feminism and nationalism in an Irish journal, 1908-1911. Chapman University Historical Review 1(1). http://journals.chapman.edu/ojs/index.php/VocesNovae/article/view/13/82 (accessed February 5, 2014). Cook, Bernard A. 2006. Women and war: A historical encyclopaedia from antiquity to the present, volume 1. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. Cotter, Colleen. 1999. Maintaining language and reframing identity through the media. 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