The Life and Work of Countess Markievicz - Research Paper Example

The Life and Work of Countess Markievicz Countess Constance Markievicz was born in London in 1868. She is best remembered for her contribution to both the nationalist struggle in Ireland, particularly the 1916 Easter Rising, and also the women's suffrage movement. This essay will provide a biographical account of the life of the Countess, her contributions and achievements, and the political and social situation of Ireland in the early 20th century. Constance was the daughter of the philanthropist, Arctic explorer and Irish landowner, Henry Gore-Booth. The family owned a large estate in County Sligo, Ireland, where Constance was educated by a governess. Her family were evidently well-connected in the country; in 1887 she was presented at the court of Queen Victoria, where she was called “the new Irish beauty.” In her teenage years, Constance enjoyed her place among the Anglo-Irish aristocracy and was regarded as a fine horsewoman and an excellent shot (O'Riordan).She was extremely passionate about art and studied at the Slade School in London, and later at the Julian School in Paris. It was here where she met and fell in love with her soon-to-be husband, the polish Count Casimir Dunin-Markievicz. He too was from a wealthy family who owned extensive estates in the Ukraine. Her career as an artist developed and in 1903 she moved to Dublin and set up as a landscape artist. At this time, Dublin was a thriving city and home to many artists, actors and writers. Four years later, she helped to set up the United Arts Club, which sought to bring together all artists in the city (O'Riordan). There are two important factors which propelled Constance into political action. Firstly, the influence of the Irish poet William Butler, who, on his many visits to her parent's home Lissadell, told Constance tales of Irish mythology, folklore and his political ideas. Historians have recognised his influence on the Countess. Secondly, in her rented cottage at Dublin, whilst working as an artist, Constance found copies of the Peasant and Sinn Fein, revolutionary publications which enlightened her in the Republican cause. She felt “stirred to action” and instantly became devoted to the cause (O'Riordan). In 1907, Constance joined the group Inghinidhe na hÉireann , the Daughters of Ireland. This group had been formed in 1900 by a small group of women in Dublin. The group was a response to women's exclusion from other militant Nationalist organisations and at its heart was the commitment to free Ireland from British rule. The Daughters of Ireland were also heavily influenced by the women's suffrage and labour movements, particularly in Britain, but were predominantly focused “upon the experience of Irish history” (Taillon, 1999, p.1). Constance began writing for the Daughter's Of Ireland newspaper, Bean Na hEirann. One year later, she helped to found Na Fianna Éireann, a nationalist Scout's organisation to train boys in the art of war for the liberation of Ireland. It was her actions in the founding of this group that first alerted her to British authorities (BBC). In 1911Constance became a member of Sinn Fein. At this time, Constance was still firmly dedicated to the women's suffrage movement but combining this with the support for nationalism was a difficult task. The problem was that Constance, and many other nationalist women, did not believe it was right to ask ministers at an “alien Westminster” to concede on this issue. Sinn Fein was dedicated to women's suffrage but maintained that their political equality should be won in Ireland, “not in England or any other foreign country.” Paseta has argued that Constance, like many other women, overcame this problem by “offering silent support for the Irish suffrage movement.” Although she never formally joined the Irishwomen;s Franchise League (IWFL), she contributed to many of its lively debates and spoke passionately at the mass rally 1912, where she protested against the Home Rule Bill (Paseta, 2010). It was not longer after joining Sinn Fein that she became an honorary treasurer of the Irish Citizen Army, or ICA (Paseta, 2010). The ICA had been formed as a “labour defence force” shortly after the 1913 Dublin Lockout and all its members, women included, carried arms. They did weapons training together and participated in military lectures. The ICA and the Irish Volunteers used the Fianna Handbook, written by Constance, and it was considered to be the best training manual available (Taillon, 1999, pp. 5-6). The 1913 Dublin Lockout was testament to Constance's commitment to the Irish poor. She worked hard providing food to the families of the striking workers, running a soup kitchen in Liberty Hall . Constance worked in unison with the organisers of the 1913 strike, James Connolly and James Larkin (BBC). It was with Connolly, during the Lockout, that Constance had co-written the constitution for the new Irish Citizen Army. With Larkin, Constance found her “kindred spirit.” Although the land movement was the only one she did not join, perhaps because she was the daughter of a landlord, she set up a co-operative in a village outside Dublin. Its aim was to provide work experience for the boys of the Fianna and although the venture failed and lost her £250, her friendship with Larkin was cemented. Their friendship was well-documented, they had spoken together at many events, including the launch of the Women's Workers Union in 1911. So in 1913, the authorities suspected that Constance was hiding the fugitive, Larkin. Constance did her best to help him and was injured in the riot when the police escorted him from the Imperial Hotel, on what was known as the 31st August “Bloody Sunday” (Yeates, 2000, pp, 48, 67-69, 564). Women, as well as Constance Markievicz, had played an important role in the 1913 Lockout. Approximately 3000 women workers at the Jacob's biscuit factory had gone on strike for higher wages and won. The entire Irish Women Workers' Union had held out for six months. It was many of these women, who were dismissed from their employment for this trade union activity, who joined the Irish Citizen Army and worked side-by-side with women like Constance (Taillon, 1999, pp.2-3). In April 1914, the inaugural meeting of the Cumann na mBan, the League of Women, took place. This women's organisation, linked to the Irish Volunteers, was founded by several women, one of whom was Constance Markievicz. Many of women involved in the League were “conscious feminists” but as Louise Gavan Duffy, one of the founding members recalled, “the affairs of the Volunteers were so important, so secretive and so necessary that we couldn't afford to divide our energies or our responsibilities” (Taillon, 1999, pp. 4-5, and BBC). From its inauguration in 1914, Cumann na mBan was preparing for a “blood sacrifice” to rejuvenate the face of Irish nationalist politics. They were not just supporting the Irish Volunteers, but the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), a “small, underground body” who planned what would become the 1916 Easter Rising (BBC). We know much about the contribution of Constance to both the rising and to the many preparations, which will now be discussed. Despite the “endless drilling” of the nationalist men and women, there were few firearms available in Ireland at this time. In the spring of 1914, at a rebel meeting in London, a plan to smuggle 1,500 rifles and 50,000 rounds of ammunition from Hamburg was formulated. When the shipment arrived, a majority was stored at Constance's house in Dublin. Nora Foley, a member of a republican family commented that her Fairview home had become “a regular arsenal of bombs... dynamite, gelignite, rifles, bayonets, ammunition and what not.” The house was under constant surveillance but it could not deter Constance or any other nationalist from their plans (Taillon, 1999, pp. 14-15, 17). Constance was also active in gathering intelligence for the Rising. She drew up all the maps and prepared plans for all the strategic points to be taken over. Constance also asked Margaret Skinnider, a maths teacher and fellow Citizen Army member, to draw up a plan of Beggars Bush barracks in case the decision to dynamite it should ever be made. Her relationship with Constance certainly helped her to become part of the trusted circle in charge of the planned Rising (Taillon, 1999, pp. 18-19). By this time, Constance had become a well-known and notorious figure in Irish nationalist politics. In March 1916, Constance was asked to give a lecture on the Fenian Rising at the Fianna Festival in Tralee. A Defence of the Realm Act was swiftly served, forbidding her to speak. Despite the order, Constance was eager to go but James Connolly ordered her to stay in Dublin, arguing that her presence and her contribution to the preparations were too valuable. She had been appointed by the Military Council as “Connolly's ghost.” This demonstrates her importance; it was her duty to know every detail of every plan, should Connolly be captured or put out of action. It was decided that another member, Marie Perolz, who was physically similar to Constance, would travel to Tralee and deliver the speech instead. She read out the exclusion order and then the speech; it was said that the effect was “electrical” (Taillon, 1999, pp. 23-24). On Palm Sunday, a huge ceremony was held at Liberty Hall, this was one week before the Rising was set to commence. At the centre, James Connolly intended to “challenge all the ideas and loyalties which clung around the British connection.” At his side stood Constance, the newly promoted Lieutenant. The Citizen Army stood in formation behind them, the Irish flag was marched into the centre and, “with much music and ceremony”, the flag was “borne into Liberty Hall.” Mary Shannon, a machinist at the Liberty Hall Co-operative, reflected that this scene was an “inspiration to all who stood for Irish independence” (Taillon, 1999, pp. 26-27). One week later, the Rising in Dublin began and the Citizen Army fully mobilised. At St Stephen's Green, there was a 138-strong contingent, of which 15 were women. They were all under Commandant Mallin, with Constance designated his second-in-command. She predominantly carried out the work of a sniper (Taillon, 1999, p. 56), and along with Margaret Skinnider, they were considered the best snipers – male or female (Cook, 2006, p. 394). The rebels anticipated a “British military onslaught” at the beginning of the Rising but this did not happen; there were approximately 400 troops against 1,000 insurgents. They set about amassing reinforcements and defending key areas in the city, especially Dublin Castle, the seat of government. The British acted quickly; by Friday they had 18-20,000 soldiers in the city, and it took just two more days to crush the rebellion. Although it only lasted one week, 450 people were killed and 2,614 were injured (BBC). A total of 3,430 men and 79 women were arrested after the Rising. Famously, Constance allegedly kissed her revolver as she surrendered to the British and marched out at the head of her troop (Hull). After her arrest, Constance was the only woman to be court-martialled. The Rising had confirmed to the British that the Irish “needed firm, perhaps even harsh, handling.” On the 4th May, it was Constance's turn to face the court-martial. The court had expected her to be dramatic and make a scene but in fact, the opposite was true. Her behaviour in court was documented: “She curled up completely. 'I am only a woman', she cried, ' and you cannot shoot a woman, you must not shoot a woman.' She never stopped moaning the whole time she was in the court-room.” (Foy & Barton, 1999, pp. 226, 232.) Despite being sentenced to death, her sentence was commuted to life in prison, on account of her being a woman (Foy & Barton, 1999, p. 239). She was held in Aylesbury Prison and was separated from her friends. The conditions there were very hard and her experiences led her to campaign for better conditions later in life. Several female internees asked the British Government to treat them as prisoners so that they could be with her. Unfortunately for Constance, this request was refused but is testament to their friendship and commitment to one another. Constance was finally released in September 1917 and several women travelled to England to meet her (Taillon, 1999, p. 105-106). Immediately after her release, Constance converted to Catholicism after claiming to have had a religious experience whilst imprisoned. Back home, she was honoured by her countrymen, firstly being made a freeman of Sligo and, secondly, she was made the honorary president of the Irish Women's Workers' Union. Constance's political activism did not end with her arrest and court-marital; she was made a member of the executive council of Sinn Fein and travelled the country giving lectures. In May of 1918, she was arrested and sent to Holloway Prison for her suspected involvement in the German Plot against the government. Constance was vocal in her opposition to the conscription of Irish men for the British war effort. During her incarceration, the government passed the Representation of the People Act, giving women over the age of thirty the right to vote and the right to stand as candidates in a general election (Rappaport, 2001, p. 422). This was a landmark in the women's suffrage movement and Constance took full advantage of this new freedom by standing as the Sinn Fein candidate in the St Patrick area of Dublin. She made history as the only woman to be elected to the seat. After her release from jail she refused to take her seat in the House of Commons in protest at the British government (Rappaport, 2001, p. 422). She instead served in the first Irish Dail as the minister of labour, until 1921, under the new President, Eamon de Valera (BBC). Since the Easter Rising, the political situation in Ireland had intensified; the Irish Volunteers had become the new Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the British Government had responded with the brutal, auxiliary force, the Black and Tans. According to historians, by 1920, Ireland was on the verge of civil war, ready for the final fight for independence. The British Government's solution was to propose the partition of the land; the creation of Northern and Southern Ireland (Quinn, 1993, pp. 13-14). It was the Pro-Treaty group, led by Michael Collins, who were successful, winning the majority in the 1922 election. As a staunch supporter of nationalism, however, Constance became an active member of the anti-treaty party. Led by De Valera, they refused to back down and a bloody civil war ensued. It finally ended with the death of Michael Collins in an ambush in 1923 (Rea & Wright, 1998, p. 31). During this time Constance travelled the USA, fund-raising and campaigning for support against the treaty. The Americans noted her passion, fervour and commitment to the cause but said that they could not escape her “aristocratic, upper-class manner”. After the civil war she elected to the Dail as the member for the Dublin Borough South. Rather than take her seat, she preferred to work with Dublin's poor and needy, often contributing to relief from her own pocket. Despite being arrested again that year, she continued to work with the needy on her release. In the 1926 coal strike, she transported coal around the slums of Dublin to families and worked on the Urban District Council to improve housing, welfare and public health. After being re-elected in the Dublin Borough South, she became ill and later died of peritonitis after an appendix operation. It was her wish to be nursed in the public ward of a Dublin hospital. Her coffin lay in state for two days while thousands of mourners paid their respects (Rappaport, 2001, p. 422). Constance Markievicz was a passionate and dedicated reformer. She was focused and committed to the nationalist movement in Ireland, after being inspired to action in her youth. She will best be remembered for her role in the Easter Rising, where she fought alongside her male counterparts, serving as a Lieutenant under James Connolly. Although she may have been accused of neglecting the issue of women's suffrage in Ireland, she made history as the first woman to be elected in 1918. Finally, Constance was a revolutionary; she never allowed her gender to stand in the way of her beliefs, and it is this she should always be remembered for. References Barton, Brian & Foy, Michael. 1999. The Easter Rising. Stroud: Sutton Publishing. BBC. The 1916 Rising. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/index.shtml, Accessed 3rd April 2010. Cook, Bernard. 2006. Women and War: A Historical Encyclopedia From Antiquity to the Present. California: ABC-CLIO. Hull, Eleanor. Excerpt from Sinn Fein and the Rising of Easter Week, 1916. http://www.libraryireland.com/HullHistory/Easter3.php, Accessed 3rd April 2010. O'Riordan, Tomas. Countess Constance Markievicz. Multitext Project in Irish History. http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/Countess_Constance_Markievicz, Accessed 3rd April 2010. Paseta, Senia. 2010. Constance Markievicz and the Feminist-Republican Dilemma. Women's History Network Blog. http://whn.jones5publishing.co.uk/blogs/?tag=constance-markievicz, Accessed 3rd April 2010. Quinn, Dermot. 1993. Understanding Northern Ireland. Manchester: Baseline Books. Rappaport, Helen. 2001. Encyclopedia of Women Social Reformers: Volume One. California: ABC-CLIO. Rea, Tony. & Wright, John. 1998. Ireland: A Divided Island. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taillon, Ruth. 1999. When History Was Made: The Women of 1916. Belfast: Beyond The Pale. Yeates, Padraig. 2000. Lockout: Dublin 1913. Dublin: Palgrave. Read More