Scottish Nationalism and National Identity - Coursework Example

SCOTTISH NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY Introduction Nationalism is a political ideology, belief or creed that involves the identification of an individual with their nation. Nationalism encompasses national identity (Bechhofer and McCrone, 2009). Nationalism is sometimes been confused with patriotism. However, in contrast, patriotism is a construct that involves personal behaviour and social conditioning that ardently supports the states actions and decisions. From a sociological or political perspective, the basis and origin of nationalism can be analysed in two main approaches. The Primordial approach describes nationalism as the reflection of perceived and ancient evolutionary tendency of people to organise themselves into groups based on the affinity of birth. On the other hand, the modern approach describes nationalism as a recent phenomenon that will require the structural conditioning of a modern society in order to exist (Henderson, 2007). The Engaged theory, however, from an alternative perspective argues that the subjective reach and contents of nationalism, which is modern, greatly depend on the primordial sentiments. There are various brands of definitions that can be used to explain what a nation constitutes. Every definition would result into a different strand of nationalism. The concept of nationalism in a state can be taken to mean that multinationals in a given country should constitute the right to express or exercise national identity even by the minority groups and individuals. It can also be viewed as a credence that citizenship in a particular state should be limited to a single religious, cultural, ethnic or identity group (Ichijo, 2004). In the spirit of nationalism, different groups are subjected to the same treatments that make them appear like a single identity group. From the historical development viewpoint, national identity is adopted as a result of responses made by influential groups in a state that are dissatisfied with the inconsistencies of the traditional identities. These groups resist the observed discrepancy between the defined social order and the experiences encountered by the members of the same social order. The resultant factor is a state of anomie that nationalists rise to solve. In the event of anomie, the national identity is redefined and reinterpreted to eliminate the elements that are deemed unacceptable while retaining the elements that are perceived acceptable. The process helps create a unified society. The national identity symbols including the national anthem and the national flag are significant symbols of a national community. The nationalism and national identity of Scotland in the 20th and 21st century have been characterised by the theoretical description presented above. Nationalism in Scotland The strand of nationalism that plays quite an influential role in the politics of Scotland today has surprisingly evolved in the recent ages. The origin of this nationalism does not lie within the scope of the medieval Scottish battles for Reformation, Statehood, Enlightenment or Act of Union (Ichijo, 2012). It lies beyond these and related historical milestones that frequently arise in debates about the identity of Scotland. The Scottish nationalism as it stands today began to take roots during the 1960s and 1970s and achieved its present-day maturity in the 1980s and 1990s. The period in the history of Scotland that marked the growth of its nationalism was a testing one. It resulted in a nationalism that seemed unusual for the lack of demand for Scotlands independence in defence of its then threatened ancestral culture. Nationalists in Scotland in the 20th century emphasised that independence could be an effective way to drive the Scottish political agenda in the neoliberal era. Scotlands social democratic corporatism culture fell under the threat of extinction by the British state. The profound political divergence expressed by the then growing opposition to the Scottish Conservative Party was interpreted to require a new Scottish state by the nationals. Nationalism in Scotland did not emerge in the latter half of the 20th century but as much in the first half of the century (JACKSON, 2014). The second half of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of a new dimension of nationalism that demanded the autonomy of Scotland. The campaign groups and the political parties in existence in Scotland in the 20th Century required the establishment of a Scottish Parliament as opposed to the Union Parliament. In 1934, the Scottish National Party was founded and was on the fringe of Scottish politics for three decades. SNP won its first position in the parliament in the 1967 by-election and showed its consistent presence in the House of Commons throughout the century. Tension grew in Scotland during the latter half of the 20th century between the supporters of an independent Scotland and those of a home rule within the UK. In 1974, the Scottish National Party broke through by winning eleven seats in the parliament. The then Labour Government proposed a devolved assembly for Scotland. The 1979 Referendum resulted in a slight majority win in favour of devolution that was considered insufficient by the parliament at Westminster. In the 1997 Referendum, Scottish people overwhelmingly voted in favour of an autonomous Scottish Parliament. Devolution was viewed as a perfect means to the protection of the Scottish welfare policies and institutions. The era of mass politics started in Britain at the dawn of the 20th century. The period started particularly in the 1880s in Britain following the extension of voting to more men than women. British women were not permitted to vote until 1918 through the interventions of early feminist movements. Even then, only the women aged 3o years and above were allowed to vote (Kumar, 2008). The unavailability of widely circulated newspapers at the time in Britain made politicians associate very closely with the owners of such newspapers to win political favours. There are two identifiable features that resulted in an active mobilisation of Scotlands autonomy in the 20th century. The nature of the Scottish state was changing in this period. There developed among the Scottish nationals an interventionist welfare spirit. These interventions were majorly aired through the institutions in Scotland at the time. The areas of public policy that affected the lives of Scottish people were more particularly with the impact that the distinct identity of Scotland remained recognised. Democratisation too began in Scotland. The notion of politics, as perceived by the people, started changing. Politics was viewed as a growing body of people rather than a preserve of the elites. Democratisation coupled with welfare interventions played a crucial role in the mobilisation of Scottish people (Leith and Soule, 2011). The nature of the ruling government of the time recognised the unique dimension of Scotland. Such recognition gave the Scottish nationals the ability to demand more resources and control. The Scottish people take pride in their sense of self, history and place that define their cultural and national identity. The fair, stable and inclusive Scottish national identity is the sole cause of this pride (Lynch, 2005). People in Scotland firmly believe that their national identity is defined by what it means to be Scottish. The tie that binds the Scottish people together is the high value attached to living in a modern Scotland, having an affinity to Scotland and participating fully and freely in the Scottish society. The Scottish people believe in an inclusive and fair national identity and a strong and healthy quality of life. For them, these factors are essential for the economic growth and prosperity of Scotland and the people of Scotland. How well the Scottish society and economy may flourish is pegged on the self-confidence and ambition of the Scottish people. The effective integration of Scotland into the global and the European economies would add to this prosperity. The international reputation of Scotland would influence peoples perceptions of Scotland as a worthy place to visit, live, work and invest. The commitment of the Scottish people in building and maintaining their strong national identity is admirable. The Scottish nationalist rhetoric in the 21st century involves foundational assumptions (Wisthaler, 2015). The writings of Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson of the 1960s and 70s have collectively been essential foundations in the development of modern nationalism in Scotland. Initially sceptical about the existence of Scottish nationalism, the two believed that an authentic self-government for Scotland could only be secured through socialism. Tom and Perry viewed the idea of the Scottish National Party for an autonomous Scottish Parliament as a union of lumpen provincials with asinine ideas. For them, provincialism was not the answer to the problems facing the national identity of Scotland at the time. However, in the 1970s, Nairn joined the bourgeois prospects of nationalism and set out an intriguing political vision of Scottish independence as a member of the EEC. The Scottish nationalist discourse as understood today is much informed by their contributions of 1960s and 70s. Fundamentally aligned to the Scottish enterprise of nationalism is the desire for a clear political distinction between the English and the Scots (Withers, 2001). The fight through the historical nationalist activities in Scotland presents Britain as a state and its political culture as an antiquated relic of imperialism. The imperialism of the United Kingdom was seen as hampering the national identity of both Scotland and England. Such imperialism has foisted 35 years of a destructive neo-liberalism upon the Scottish nationals preventing them from becoming the social democracy they are politically entitled to be. The Scottish citizens, in the belief that ridding themselves of the UK political baggage would open up new opportunities for them, resulted in the 2014 Referendum seeking autonomy (Wisthaler, 2015). The Labour Party can be viewed as a pervasive influence of the modern Scottish nationalism. With the rising criticism of the antediluvian nature of the Labour Party, it appears that Scottish nationalism in the modern era seeks to imitate the ancient Labour’s antique traditions. Scottish statehood today does not represent an expression of the national identity as a fundamental device for the realisation of an egalitarian society. The growth of Scottish nationalism as a political movement lies in the shadows of the Scottish National Party and the Scottish Labour Party in the 1970s and 1980s (Woodward, 2000). The majority of the supporters of the Scottish National party flowed from Labour and rose in the spirit of nationalism as they lost patience to elect the Labour government in 1997. The working-class narrative of the Labour government in its effort to overcome the capitalist inequalities got imbibed wholesale by the Scottish nationalists. It was an expression of the appreciation by the Scottish nationals of the important role played by Trade Unions and the Scottish Labour Party in giving voice to the powerless. The Scottish Labour Party was recognised as having kept the fire of a home rule burning since early 20th century. The party was not born from a vacuum. Rather, it emerged from the struggle for justice taking roots during the informative years of industrial revolution. At the parliamentary and local government level, the Labour Party in Scotland has a lot to claim (JACKSON, 2014). Its push for better education, housing and welfare services for the Scottish people at these levels remains outstanding to date. Classic themes of Labour politics were injected into the thinking of the Scottish nationalists by the experiences of the Scottish struggles against deindustrialisation. The enormous quality of union-led battles for the industrial survival of the Scottish manufacturing, coal mining and shipbuilding blurred together national identities and class. Confronted by Thatcher’s implacable face government, nationalism in Scotland began to orientate itself towards the concern for Union movements and Corporatist bargaining defence. It was a rise of the neoliberal shock therapy. The Scottish nationalists content that the Labour parliamentarians have betrayed the remarkable political tradition of the Labour Party for the sake of winning power in London (Ichijo, 2012). A new Scottish state freed from the shackles of neoliberalism arising from the need to win over the English voters gives the Scottish people a chance to attain the social-democratic goals of the Labour Party. The Labour Party grew to maintain the vision of narrowing down the wealth and income disparity, reducing poverty and achieving greater economic prosperity for the Scottish people. Scottish nationals today argue for an active government and a Scottish welfare state in achieving these goals. The spirit of living the dream of the Labour Party started in Scotland in 1997 when Scottish nations took advantage of the Scottish Parliament with the perception that Labour was watering down its values. They believed that such was done to please the English media and financial elites. In the post-sovereign state era, the Scottish nationalists have developed a sophisticated account of an independent Scotland. For them, an independent Scotland will enjoy absolute self-determination while at the same time sharing laws and institutions with the foreign society. The 21st-century political thought about Scottish nationalism has received a majoritys warm welcome (Bechhofer and McCrone, 2009). There is a feeling among many nationalists that it bears a realistic approach to the limits of Scotlands autonomy and places the quest for Scottish statehood in a better and achievable position. In the wake of global economic interdependence and European integration, there are many reinterpretations of the need for Scotlands national sovereignty. With the formation of parliament in Scotland, the Scottish National Party became the second largest party serving two terms since 1999 as the opposition party. In 2007, the SNP won the Scottish general elections and formed a minority government. Its 2011 win led to the formation of the first Scottish majority government (Wisthaler, 2015). As of 2015, SNP remains as the largest party in Scotland. In terms of nationalism, Scotland has dramatically and fundamentally changed in the 21st century with SNP’s leadership that has changed the political face in Scotland and Britain. However, the era of Labour Scotland has kept crumbling. The long march of the Scottish nationalism and the SNP from the seismic breakthrough in 1967-1968 has fundamentally shaped the Scottish nationalism as seen today. The 2014 referendum in which the majority voted against the cessation of Scotland from the United Kingdom as a sovereign state marks a continuous process of building a unique Scottish national identity. Conclusion Scotland stands a distinct and stable national identity today. Just like the belief in the Labours ‘forward march, so is there a forward movement in Scottish nationalism (Wisthaler, 2015). Scottish nationalists maintain a story that greatly reflects the aspirations and ambition of the Labour Party about a future independent Scotland. The rise of nationalism in Scotland directly relates to the demise of the post-war consensus. The recent fight for autonomy is an expression of the lack of confidence and trust for the British political systems by the Scots. Their belief and focus are centred on the preparedness for a salient and influential Scottish political voice. The voting of SNP and the expression of nationalism bears in it the nature of carefully negotiated politics. The modern nationalism in Scotland is a real reflection and representation of the Scottish identity and unique society. The conservative, cautious and happy mood in adopting the institutional nature of the public life in Scotland is evident. A welcoming, open and pluralist political force is on the build-up in Scotland. Nationalism in Scotland must be seen in a diverse perspective and not as a preserve for the SNP. An inclusive participation of all political movements and individuals is essential for the sustainability of the Scottish identity. Else, the future of the state may be uncertain. References Bechhofer, F. and McCrone, D. (2009). National identity, nationalism and constitutional change. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Henderson, A. (2007). Hierarchies of belonging. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press. Ichijo, A. (2004). Scottish nationalism and the idea of Europe. London: Routledge. Ichijo, A. (2012). Entrenchment of unionist nationalism: devolution and the discourse of national identity in Scotland. National Identities, 14(1), pp.23-37. JACKSON, B. (2014). The Political Thought of Scottish Nationalism. The Political Quarterly, 85(1), pp.50-56. Kumar, K. (2008). The making of English national identity. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leith, M. and Soule, D. (2011). Political discourse and national identity in Scotland. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Lynch, P. (2005). Scottish Independence, The Quebec Model of Secession and the Political Future of the Scottish National Party. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 11(4), pp.503-531. Wisthaler, V. (2015). Murray Stewart Leith and Daniel P.J. Soule Political Discourse and National Identity in Scotland. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012, 176 pp. £21.84 pbk. Stud Ethn Nation, 15(1), pp.209-210. Withers, C. (2001). Geography, science, and national identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Woodward, K. (2000). Questioning identity. London: Routledge in association with the Open University. Read More