Food and Eating Habits are a Good Gauge of Wider Social Changes - Term Paper Example

Student’s Name: Grade Course: Tutor’s Name: Date: ‘Food and Eating Habits are a Good Gauge of Wider Social Changes’ (Sheridan 320). The bush tucker concept is uniquely Australian and is used in reference to the “use of natural resources by indigenous Australians for foods” (Michie, Anlezark & Uibo para1). For the hunter-gatherer communities (now known as indigenous Australians) who arrived in the continent more than 500,000 years ago, the wild fruits, berries, herbs and game meat had been their source of nutritional sustenance (Wahlqvist & Specht 315). Starting in the 1920s, Wahlqvist and Specht note that the hunter-gatherer culture started changing and sooner, an increasing number of indigenous Australians were transforming into a simpler form of attaining food rations as they settled into settlement schemes (315). Such shift corresponded with a similar change in their diets as they had to move away from the variety of native plant foods and game meat available in the fields, to less-diverse environments, with equally less vegetable and ‘healthy’ meat options. These changes corresponded with the wider society changes where western culture had infiltrated the indigenous culture, and with it came changes in how the indigenous people lived. In addition to the changes witnessed in their food consumption habits, the indigenous people were also moved into settlements hence altering their previously active lifestyles where they had to scour the natural environment in search of food. Westernisation, therefore brought about an arguably easier lifestyle to the indigenous communities, as their laborious hunting and gathering was put to an end. However, this came at a price; being economically less affluent than their white counterparts, indigenous Australians had to contend eating cheaper and less healthier food alternatives. As indicated by Huntley, they incorporated more refined sugars, white flours, cordials, and processed foods into their diets, because when compared to the healthier alternatives, the unhealthy food choices were always cheaper and more filling (104-106). In other words, as the social aspects of their lifestyles changed, so did their eating habits. Even if the indigenous Australians would have preferred bush tucker over the ‘western’ foods, chances are that they would have difficulties accessing the same owing to the fact that they had been displaced from their natural habitats where they were able to hunt for the bush meat, and gather the berries, tubers and vegetables. According to Liddle, the reality about indigenous people’s displacement from the lands is that “the new settlers came over, cleared the land of trees and aborigines and put their cattle on top of it...” (3 cited by Huntley 104). To make matters even worse for the indigenous communities, the settlers that occupied their lands imposed their preferred eating habits on them (Huntley 104) The altered food consumption habits Following Sheridan’s assertion that ‘food and eating habits are a good gauge of wider social changes’, one gets the impression that the social changes have to occur(321); only later are they reflected in the food and eating habits of the identified community. Following this thought, and having identified that indigenous gave up bush tucker following the influx of white men into Australia and the consequent displacement of indigenous people into settlement areas, this paper argues that social norms could have played an essential part in the acceptance of ‘western’ foods by indigenous communities. According to Cialdini and Trost, social norms are “rules and standards that are understood by members of a group, and that guide and/or constrain social behaviour without the force of laws” (152). As the indigenous communities were displaced from the fields and into settlement areas, their concept of what constituted a meal changed from being bush tucker-oriented, into westernised food-oriented, and this effectively influenced their food intake behaviours. Social changes in Australia have been accompanied by urban or semi-urban development usually in form of shopping centres or outlets. Here, as Saethre noted during a research conducted in Lajamanu – a remote village in the Northern territory- is that every village has a takeaway shop and a main store (152). While the latter functions as a source of most cooking components e.g. sugar, flour, vegetables, meat and milk among others, the former was a fast source of prepared foods such as hamburgers, pizzas, chips and sandwiches. The food stores evolved from the food rationing points that were used during the colonial times. Notably, the presence in remote villages is an indication of social changes, and this makes local residents reliant on the same. As such, instead of going to hunt or gather food in the fields, Saethre notes that Lajamanu residents often purchase foods from food store and outlet depending on the availability of cash. Another indicator of social changes as reflected in food and eating habits can be associated by the fact that aboriginal communities in Lajamanu now receive funds from government on a bi-weekly basis (Saethre 160). Consequently, the funds affect their willingness to embark on hunting and gathering trips since they have easy money from which they can purchase easy food from the stores. Compared to preceding indigenous communities who had neither the retail stores or shop outlets, nor the money to purchase items, the current generation of indigenous people have both the money and the social amenities that facilitate a change from bush tucker to other food items. Even in cases where the store and food outlet were closed for example during holidays, Saethre observes that the aboriginal people in Lajamanu would opt to go without food rather than embark on hunting and gathering missions (164). Yet, the aboriginal communities have not been alone in adopting to new foods and eating habits within the Australian social context; Huntley for example observe that as Australia sought to enhance cultural integration, bush tucker was promoted as one way through which non-indigenous people Australians could explore the indigenous culture (102). This observation is reiterated in Zournazi who states that “In Australia, food has long been the ‘acceptable face of multiculturalism’ (79). Notably, however, this initiative did not succeed since the white men always looked down on the bush tucker as an inferior diet compared to the ‘westernised’ cuisine. Interpreted, the phase when the white Australians attempted to incorporate bush tucker into their diets corresponded with a similar period when national integration was being sought thus supporting Sheridan’s assertion. In this case, an incomplete or partial social change can also be reflected in partial acceptance of specific food choices of eating habits or what Zournazi identifies as “cultural distaste” (80). As health and nutritional experts analyse the nutritional aspects of bush tucker in comparison with foods consumed by the aboriginal communities at present, it is emerging that the former had greater health benefits unlike the latter which are credited with increased obesity rates and the corresponding lifestyle diseases. Notably, an enhanced interest in bush tucker is now being noted as its increased use is being promoted based in its perceived benefits. This too could be indicative that the multi-cultural society is beginning to appreciate that bush tucker, aside from being an aboriginal diet, could have the solutions to problems witnessed in the culturally diverse society. Observably, both indigenous and non-indigenous Australians have adapted to social changes in ways that have influenced their consumption habits and patterns. For example, owing to the busy lifestyles, both sides of the cultural divide eat more convenient foods (i.e. take away foods; foods that take less time to cook; microwavable products; chilled meals; and packaged vegetables among others). Essentially, this means that people rarely have time to sit down for a proper meal, let alone take time to hunt and gather bush tucker-oriented meals. As Saethre indicates, the contemporary hunting missions and the food preparation phase that comes after the game has been found take several hours (165). The extensive hours are a luxury that most indigenous or non-indigenous people cannot afford either due to the sedentary lifestyles that has made them physically unfit to undertake such exercises, or because they don’t perceive the reward (i.e. game meat) as being worth the time and effort. Even where bush tucker diets are sold on a commercial basis, the consumer has to make their food choices based on the associated costs among other things. As indicated by Saethre, for example “when compared to buying food...hunting and gathering actually require a greater level of monetary and other resources, and greater amounts of time, too” (164). Following this argument, one could therefore posit that the cost of obtaining bush tucker-oriented foods would be passed on to consumers thus making such foods costlier than the ordinary non-indigenous food items. Such a situation is thus likely to bring forth two scenarios: i) health-conscious people willing to engage in the consumption of bush tucker; however, some would succeed on doing so based on the social-economic status, while others would fail to consume such foods owing to their economically disadvantaged positions; ii) ordinary consumers who consume bush tucker based on its savour-appeal rather on the value generated by eating such foods. The latter group would have to have the economic empowerment needed to make expensive food choices. Even in indigenous communities, Saethree observes that only those who can afford the means of going to hunt for game (i.e. a hardy vehicle, a licensed rifle, and bullets) can successfully make trips to the hunting areas (165). The cost of bush tucker not withstanding, there are indications that the larger Australian society is opening up to the idea of bush tucker as an authentic and nutrient-rich food source. For example, Palmer states that “non-indigenous people are now more aware of the enduring and rich cultural heritage indigenous Australians contribute to the bush, the country and the nation” (24 cited by Probyn 101). Coincidentally, the awareness referred to be Palmer is happening at a time when the society is recognising that indigenous communities have rights to indigenous titles among other social resources that they were denied following European settlement in Australia. If one was to consider the cost associated with such recognition of bush tucker as a potent and healthy alternative source of nutrition, it becomes evident that the social inequalities that persist in a country where the indigenous people are disadvantaged owing to historical, social, cultural and political factors may persist to an extent of denying them a bite into what was previously the mainstay of their diets; the bush tucker. In other words, if bush tucker was to be accepted overwhelmingly by Australians, the cost would be prohibitive to most people in the lower income brackets. Essentially, this means that only a small percentage of indigenous communities would afford bush tucker-oriented meals. Conclusion The statement by Sheridan that “food and eating habits are a good gauge of wider social changes” has no doubt been proven in the case of the bush tucker, and its weakening position among indigenous communities. As indicated herein, the changes occurring in the social sphere of the indigenous communities first moved them from their expansive land terrains and encouraged them to rely on food rations from the European settlers as indicated in Rowse (65). As they got used to the food rations, their previously large hunting and gathering fields were slowly turned into farm lands and this consequently meant that they could no longer move from one region to another in search of food, nor would they be able to access diverse bush tucker varieties as was the case before European occupation. The recent trend where obesity and increasing lifestyle diseases have been partly pegged on poor eating habits that indigenous communities have taken up, there has been attempts to revert to the bush tucker lifestyle. Notably however, this is no longer an easy task considering the social transformation that both indigenous and non-indigenous communities in Australia have undergone. As discussed in this essay, there was a phase in Australia’s history when the non-indigenous population was experimenting with the bush tucker-oriented diet as one way of enhancing cultural integration in the country. However, the results of such attempts were only half-baked since the bush tucker did not gain wide acceptance among the non-indigenous communities. Interpreted, this can be perceived as a reflection of the perception by non-indigenous communities that although the indigenous culture is valid, it is inferior to the non-indigenous culture as observed in Australia. As people gain insight into the valid benefits of the bush tucker as a diet, the more likely they are going to accept it based on its nutritional benefits. Such an acceptance may even coincide with an acceptance and/or realisation by the non-indigenous Australians that the indigenous culture is a culture that is unique but perhaps not any lesser that other cultures either in Australia or in the world. Works Cited Cialdini, Robert.B., and Trost Melanie R. ‘Social Influence: Social Norms, Conformity and Compliance.’ In Lindzey, Gardner, Daniel Gilbert and Fiske Susan T. Handbook of Social Psychology. Wiley & Sons: London, 1998. Print. 151-192. Huntley, Rebecca. Eating between the lines. Melbourne: Black Inc., 2008. Print. Michie, Michael, Anlezark Jane and Uibo Didamain. Beyond Bush Tucker: Implementing Indigenous Perspectives through the Science Curriculum. Northern Territory Department of Education. Jul. 1998. . 04 Jun. 2012. Probyn, Elspeth. Carnal Appetites: FoodSexIdentities. NY; London: Routledge, 2000. Print Rowse, Tim. White Flour, White Power: From rations to citizenship in Central Australia. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Print. Saethre, Eirik. Nutrition, Economics and Food Distribution in an Australian Aboriginal Community. Anthropological Forum. 15.2 (2005): 151-169. Sheridan, Susan. Eating the Other: Food and Cultural Difference in the Australian Women’s Weekly in the 1960s. Journal of Intercultural Studies. 21.3(2000): 319-329. Wahlqvist, Mark L. and Specht Raymond L. Food Variety and Biodiversity: Econutrition. Asia Pacific Journal on Clinical Nutrition. 7.3/4 (1998):314-319. Zournazi, Mary. The Queen Victoria of Bush Cuisine: Foreign Incorporation and Oral Consumption within the Nation. Communal/Plural. 4 (1994): 79-89. Read More