The Current Status of Arab Women and American Women: A Comparative Analysis - Research Paper Example

The Current Status of Arab Women and American Women: A Comparative Analysis Introduction Manypeople are well aware that there are stark differences between Arab women and American women, especially as regards to their status in society, employment opportunities, marriage, family life, and divorce. The media usually depict Arab women as oppressed, traditional, religious, deprived of basic personal freedom, and mostly consigned to domestic duties, whereas American women as liberated, worldly, independent, and career-oriented. However, it is important to bear in mind that there have been a lot of remarkable and renowned Arab women scholars, public figures, and religious icons as women in the United States. This essay discusses the differences between Arab women and American women as shown in various empirical studies. Employment Opportunities and Job Attitudes The universal idea about progress came from the West. The idea is that only when underdeveloped societies embrace economic and development strategies prevalent in Western countries will they overcome hardships (Kramarae & Spender 2000). With regard to women, the idea is that only when Arab women abandon their cultural primitiveness, their long-established domestic duties as mothers and wives, and take part in the public or political and commercial sector will their troubles and poverty diminish. In Arab societies, religion usually occupies a very important place in the lives of the Arab people. Nearly all Arabs are followers of Islam. Muslims view their religion “first as a guide to a righteous way of life” (Kramarae & Spender 2000, 1158). Hence, Arab women should prioritize their obligations to their religion before their own happiness and ambitions. Commonly, Arab women perform the traditional duties of an Arab woman, like reproduction, domestic tasks, spiritual obligations, and ultimately, after everything is completed, her interest in entering the business world may arise. Yet, it is after that Arab women are confronted with politics, red tape, insufficiency of resources, and possibly more religious limitations that do not permit most of them to transcend the boundaries that society made for them (Moghadam 2003). According to Welchman (2007), there are fewer Arab businesswomen compared to their American counterparts. Arab societies have numerous restrictions like cultural, social, political, and religious constraints that do not permit women to prosper and gain legal and social security as women would in Western societies. Arab women, historically, generally had a smaller number of privileges, rights, and opportunities than American women. Their recognized roles were confined to being a mother and a wife. Eventually, Arab women considerably took part in the political, social, and economic sectors in various Arab societies (llkkaracan 2008). Nevertheless, it is important to emphasize that their involvement in the labor force remains a dilemma nowadays, in Arab societies. For example, women in Saudi Arabia are not permitted to drive, whereas in other areas, women are not allowed to work because of culture and beliefs. As stated in the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Arab nations are moving toward the new millennium with 65 million uneducated Arabs, and women comprise the largest percentage (Zgheib 2006). As reported by Rawas (2002 as cited in Zgheib 2006, 481), several of the reasons that stop Arab women from pursuing their education are the belief that it is needless because women should build and take care of their family, and because women receive lesser salaries than men. In contrast, Arab countries show the most rapid improvement in women’s education. Since 1970, female education has greatly improved (p. 481). In 1995, the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) was launched to determine or assess the involvement of women by examining the number of parliamentary seats occupied by women, involvement of women in technical and professional jobs, and earnings per person (llkkaracan 2008, 2). Figure 1. Share of women in parliament, by world region (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 34) In most cases, political institutions in Arab countries have greatly influenced the emergence and success of female leaders. Policies in the Arab world have gradually eradicated hindrances for women to take part in public and political affairs. However, in spite of these positive developments, the regions of North Africa and the Middle East have to go further. In the Arab region, as a whole, only 9.1 percent is the average of women’s share in parliament (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 34). As shown in the graph, women in the United States have a significantly high share in parliament, and have the highest share among the other world’s regions. Hence, a rigorous attempt is needed to build an environment that recognizes female leaders and is favorable to their improvement in the public and political sphere. It was observed that the standing of the Arab region was subordinate to any region apart from sub-Saharan Africa. In addition, in terms of women’s involvement in the labor force and share of parliamentary seats, the Arab region ranked lowest (Welchman 2007). The study of Moghadam (2003) stressed eliminating gender discrimination in employment. Furthermore, it emphasized the need to prioritize businesswomen when reinforcing local ability to provide micro-finance utilities. Arab women nowadays are moving from their traditional agricultural jobs to more professional tasks. In reality, Arab women nowadays are engineers, physicians, and professors. Yet, economic development has been slow, if not declining, over the recent decade and unemployment has been worsening in the regions of North Africa and the Middle East (llkkaracan 2008). This weakening economic condition has resulted in an aggressive competitive between male and female candidates. Many educated and highly skilled women lose the fight due to a male dominated, gender biased labor market. Figure 2. Influences in their effect on Arab women’s career progression (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 23) Nearly all female leaders in several Arab countries claim that their success is brought about by a highly intact and beneficial support system, with 66 percent pointing to their fathers as the most important factor to their career advancement, while 67 percent referring to their mothers as the central force in their success (Dubain Women Establishment 2009, 23). Analyzing the encouragement and support given by their mothers, female leaders in Arab countries also claim that their success is facilitated by, in numerous instances, the traditional obligations mothers perform (p. 23). According to the Center of Arab Woman for Training and Research (CAWTAR) in 2001, women still confront strong entry barriers in the workplace. Such barriers are ideological—female housewife-male provider stereotypes—and structural—political and economic occurrences. In response to these circumstances, a large number of women are hesitant to endeavor in a new income-generating opportunity: doing business. Even though there are numerous dissimilarities between Arab societies regarding women’s new standing, the biggest portion of the female populations, from a female planter in a far-flung village to a female executive in a corporation, Arab women are not hesitant to start their own businesses. As stated by Basma Bint Talal (1996 as cited in Joseph & Slyomovics 2001), “Traditional societies are encouraging women to take up productive and income-generating projects” (p. 49). This big leap in Arab traditions has strengthened successfully the progress of women’s role. In a 1997 study by the World Bank Institute (WBI), developing knowledge economies depends on producing “an economic and institutional regime that encourages entrepreneurship and (building) a skilled and flexible labor force, in which people have opportunities for equal education and life-long learning” (Zgheib 2006, 481) by valuing more the women in regions of North Africa and the Middle East and transforming work practices and culture. As attested by Sarbib (2002 as cited in Zgheib 2006), Arab societies are beginning to appreciate the involvement and input of women in the economy and marketplace of the region. Figure 3. Female labor force participation rates by region, 1996 & 2006 (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 38) The socio-economic context for Arab women is very different from that of American women. As seen in the graph, the regions of the Middle East and North Africa lag behind developed economies, including the United States, in terms of female labor participation rates. Figure 4. Female unemployment rates 1996 & 2006 (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 38) Likewise, female unemployment rates are much higher in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa compared to those of developed economies. Socio-economic growth usually influences the attitudes and patterns related to female leadership in either of the two (Dubai Women Establishment 2009, 39): (1) a country’s socio-economic environment is influenced by women’s involvement, and (2) there is a direct relationship between the willingness of a country to recognize female leaders and the strength of a country’s progress. On the contrary, it has been forecasted that American women will make up the bulk of new candidates into the U.S. labor force by the year 2000 (Oishi 2005). However, similar to Arab women, although American women are finding that occupying managerial positions is attainable, they are struggling to break through the ‘glass ceiling’—the unseen barricade that prevents women from occupying powerful positions (U.S. Department of Labor 1991). According to the U.S. Department of Labor in 1992, women are unevenly distributed in all sectors of the labor market. They are concentrated in what are regarded ‘usual’ female jobs or, also called, ‘pink collar’ jobs, such as nursing and secretarial. For instance, in 1991, women made up 66.7% of all sales employees, 94.8% of certified nurses, 99% of all office workers or secretaries, and 80% of clerical staffs (Moghadam 2004, 137). Nevertheless, the participation rate of American women in management is improving, although gradually, according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. However, even though the numbers of American women occupying managerial positions are increasing, female managers have not attained parity with male managers as regards to compensation. Female managers received 66.2% of the compensation of male managers in 1992 (Moghadam 2004, 137-138). According to Fagenson and Jackson (1993), the growing population of women in the management profession, just like in the case of Arab women, could be attributed to the growing graduation rates from the universities and colleges in the United States. Marriage and Divorce The connection between contemporary Arab expectations of the family and women’s role are remarkable. As claimed by one of the leading Iranian Islamist scholars, Murteza Mutahhari, marriage and the family are integral to social preservation and are “a sublime manifestation of the Divine Will and Purpose” (Moghadam 2003, 116). Likewise, the Egyptian Islamist, Seyid Outb, portrayed the family in a rhetorical manner as “the nursery of the future,” (Moghadam 2004, 137) producing “precious human products” (p. 137) under women’s care. A woman and a man, on their own accord, engage in a marital relationship as coequals. A woman performs her duties by being a mother and wife, as a man is to be the absolute authority, the provider, and the dynamic participant in public affairs. The Arab family, to the Islamist scholar, is in no way a place of suppression or servitude. Take for instance the beliefs of Fereshteh Hashemi, an Iranian woman scholar, who stated in 1981, that in the perspective of marriage and the family (Moghadam 2003, 116): Women have the heavy responsibility of procreation and rearing a generation: this is a divine art, because it creates, it gives birth; and it is a prophetic art, because it guides, it educates. God, therefore, absolves the woman from all economic responsibilities so that she can engage herself in this prophetic and divine act with peace in mind. Therefore, He makes it the duty of the man to provide all economic means for this woman, so as there shall not be an economic vacuum in her life… And in the exchange for this heavy responsibility, that is, the financial burden of the woman and the family, what is he entitled to expect of the woman? Except for expecting her companionship and courtship [sexual relations], he cannot demand anything else from the woman. According to theological sources, he cannot event demand that she bring him a glass of water, much less expect her to clean and cook. The image of the family as a woman-led sanctuary against an unkind world appears to be universally accepted, or at least universally accepted in contemporary societies, instead of unique to any religion or society. Several scholars have claimed that in Western societies, this notion of the family developed during the actual efforts against the state and the market (English 2011). However, the sanctuary notion is flawed on several aspects. It confuses the degree to which this notion is socially narrow; for instance, it is clearly non-existent in families sustained by women single-handedly, a trend that is becoming widespread across the globe (English 2011). A large number of women in Iran became widows in the course of the Iran-Iraq conflict, and many more women in Afghanistan became widows in the 1980s and 1990s. Woman-led families are growing in regions of Egypt and Morocco (llkkaracan 2008). The sanctuary idea confuses the highly distinct opportunity arrangements given to women and men in the economy and the society; it blocks power inequities in the family; and it indicates dichotomy between the state and family and private and public domains that is non-existent (Welchman 2007). The link between the state and the family demonstrates the thin line between private and public domains. The family is by no means untouched by state rules. In the meantime, according to Spain and Bianchi (1996), there are several differences and similarities between the path of the Arab family and that of the American family. They have in common a patriarchal arrangement that goes through change as an outcome of political and economic events. In the contemporary Arab world, the family is a strong expression, and there is a powerful tendency to bolster it and support the maternal duties of women, even though within the context of a nuclear family. This phenomenon appears to have emerged in the framework of two comparable events (Oishi 2005): (1) the emergence of middle-class actions, mostly Islamist, that promote outlooks and ideals suggestive of the moral argument of the Western bourgeoisie; and (2) the decline of traditional patriarchy and the extended family arrangement, the outcome of women’s educational achievement and socio-economic growth. Most Arab societies have long had laws giving women the same rights as those of men. Except for Qatar and Iran, these societies have approved the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), a global manuscript that requires assuring the rights of women. But these mandates have not attained equality in employment opportunities or marriage and divorce rights (English 2011). One primary explanation for such inequalities is that there have been an insufficient number of women from these societies occupying major political positions. Judges in Arab societies are mainly valuable, since they have the power to submit resolutions construing individual status decrees addressing children’s custody, protection, marriage, and divorce. In such societies, these individual status decrees have been determined by Islamic law or, the Shari’a (English 2011). Men have been permitted by the Islamic law to have several wives at the same time, if they have the capacity to provide houses for their wives and to care for them all equally. This has been the condition in the Gulf countries. On the contrary, in Tunisia, polygamy was officially banned in 1956 (llkkaracan 2008). Likewise, in Morocco, even though polygamy was not formally prohibited, polygamy was in effect eliminated in 2003. Almost all Arab countries belong to either of these situations. Women in Algeria have been rewarded the privilege to a ‘no-polygamy clause’ before their marriage and to pursue divorce if they were unaware of their husbands’ polygamous activities (llkkaracan 2008). As stated by Moghadam (2003), a husband in Egypt has the privilege to have an additional wife if he has informed his other wives who may afterward pursue a divorce, but only if they can justify to a judge that an additional wife would unfavorably affect them. In divorce, in countries that rigidly administrate under the Islamic law, like Saudi Arabia, men have been given the right to divorce their wives with no reason by merely saying “I divorce thee” (English 2011, 144) thrice for a certain period of time. A particular compromise to women was that he had to afterward give her an asset settled before the wedding. The rights of women to divorce have been highly restricted, only allowed in particular instances like male sterility, mental illness, or a transferable skin infection. In Syria, wives and husbands have been allowed to cite infidelity as a reason for divorce. However, a divorce would only be granted if there has been a witness, or the husband pleaded guilty. A Syrian wife may be charged of infidelity, supported by any evidence (English 2011). Moreover, there were various punishments for women and men concerning adultery. Male infidels in Egypt have been likely to be incarcerated for six months, whereas women have been sentenced for two years. As stated in the Egyptian constitution, a husband who murders his wife after catching her sleeping with another man would be accused of a non-felony offense, whereas a wife committing the same crime would be accused of felony (Welchman 2007). There were no documented incidents, by 2007, of a Syrian wife triumphantly getting a divorce on the grounds of infidelity (AlMunajjed 2010). A Kuwaiti wife who has been maltreated could pursue divorce with the condition that she has male witnesses to substantiate the abuse perpetrated. A Jordanian wife can pursue divorce with no reason with the condition that she relinquishes her financial claims, which she can have if she can attest that she was battered. A Jordanian husband may get a divorce without any justification, but he had to should the financial needs of his wife for a maximum of three years (AlMunajjed 2010). According to Welchman (2007), when there are children concerned after a divorce, there are hardly any Arab countries wherein a woman has been granted the right to become the children’s official custodian. Figure 5. Divorce Rates Worldwide (AlMunajjed 2010, 3) Figure 6. Divorce Rates in Gulf Countries (AlMunajjed 2010, 3) As seen in the graph, Arab countries have considerably lower divorce rates compared to developed countries, like the United States. However, divorce rates in Arab countries, in most cases, have been increasing. Recently, the Arab region has witnessed growing prevalence of divorce, and there are no indications that these rates are decelerating. On the other hand, marriage patterns have been evolving in the United States. Generally, more women are forfeiting marriage. Cohabitation or ‘living in” has become an integral element of marriage and family development norms. Couples are inclined to cohabit before getting married and prior to remarriage after divorce (Cherlin 1992). Nevertheless, according to the Census Bureau, roughly 90% of women will sooner or later get married (Bianchi & Spain 1996, 3). Even though a lot of marriages lead to divorce, almost all divorced women enter into another marital relationship, indicating that Americans are not foregoing marriage, as such. Furthermore, women in the United States nowadays are waiting longer to get married. This is substantiated by the following figures (Bianchi & Spain 1996, 2): Median age at first marriage was 24.5 for women in 1994, compared with 20.8 in 1970. The historic two- to three-year average gap between men’s and women’s media age at first marriage has persisted, however: half of all men now marry at age 26.7 or older (compared with age 23.2 in 1970). Because of this delay in marrying, rates of first marriage have declined—from 93 marriages for every 1,000 never—married adult women in 1970 to 58 per 1,000 in 1990. Delayed marriage has considerable impacts on the patterns of childbearing. Delayed marriage makes women more susceptible to pregnancy outside marriage. Since almost all pregnancy happens within marriage, delayed marriage facilitates the decrease in standard family size, and, for several women, results in infertility or childlessness (Bianchi & Spain 1996). ‘Living in’ may appear a better choice over the possibility of marriage leading to divorce. The prevalence of divorce in the United States has increased during the twentieth century (Bianchi & Spain 1992, 2-3): The divorce rate has averaged just over 20 per 1,000 married women since the 1970s, more than twice the rate of the 1950s and early 1960s. The incidence of divorce is still high by historic (and international) standards. In 1996, there were 167 divorced adults for every 1,000 married adults, compared with only 100 per 1,000 in 1980. An increased rate of divorce has several impacts on the patterns of fertility and family formation. It extends the duration of the unmarried status of women, and hence raises the possibility of women getting pregnant outside of marriage (Copen et al. 2012). Figure 6. Current marital and cohabiting status among American women (Copen et al. 2012, 5) Patterns in women’s contemporary marital positions, as shown in the graph, show that the number of women who were presently in a first marriage dropped over the recent decades. Simultaneously, the number of women who were presently cohabiting grew gradually. Researchers gave several explanations to the observed connection between divorce and employment, as well as the likelihood that employment provides a woman economic choices that disrupt customary gender patterns within marriage or gives assurance if the marital relationship is unsuccessful; that employed women may become acquainted to a coworker who is better as a husband; that employed women may feel stronger and more self-sufficient; and that the demands of work may cause marital conflicts. Other scholars examine whether wives’ jobs cause divorce. For instance, women with shaky marriages could resort to paid jobs for security in the event of a divorce. In contrast, the synchronized increase in women’s divorce and employment could be fortuitous. Both could have been brought about by another variable, like a reinforced value for individual achievement. Divorce’s economic implications for American women are apparent: the family income of women drops by roughly 24% after legal separation, whereas men’s earnings decrease by 6% (Cherlin 1992, 47). Since American women, in contrast to Arab women, usually gain children’s custody, their decreased income has to expand more than that of their previous husband; their obligations to their children hinder their capacity to work longer hours; and, the alimony they get rarely fills the loss of a spouse’s financial share. Conclusions The prospects of women in the Arab region and the United States are apparent, although sluggish, movement toward equal opportunity with their male counterparts. This development somewhat promises gender parity in the workplace and family life for both Arab and American women. A highly educated woman has a greater opportunity to advance her career or work life and to gain a greater authority in her family. Therefore, even though there are stark differences between Arab women and American women in terms of employment opportunities and family life, it is still apparent that the improvement in women’s educational achievement will generate further favorable prospects for them toward equal opportunity in both the private and the public sphere. Works Cited AlMunajjed, M. Divorce in Gulf Cooperation Council Countries Risks and Implications. Booz & Company, 2010. Bianchi, S. & D. Spain. “Women, Work and Family in America” Population Bulletin, 51.3 (1996): 2+ Cherlin, A. Marriage, Divorce, Remarriage. New York: Harvard University Press, 1992. Copen, C. et al. “First Marriages in the United States: Data from the 2006-2010 National Survey of Family Growth” National Health Statistics Report, 49 (2012): 1-21. Dubai Women Establishment. Arab Women, Leadership Outlook 2009-2011. Dubai, UAE, 2009. English, J. Infidel Behind the Paradoxical Veil: A Western Woman’s Experience in Saudi Arabia. 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