Myth as History and Origins of Rome - Essay Example

Myth as History Much of what we know about the ical Romans and Greeks has been preserved for our attention through the myths and stories they created. Although many of these stories were passed down in oral storytelling fashion through the various generations, the way in which these stories were told captured many of the ideals and beliefs of the people who told them as well as the people who listened to them. Myth has been defined as an “applied narrative … a primary verbalization of supra-individual concerns and of matters of collective importance in real life” (Calame, 1991: 204). With a tendency to illustrate stories in terms of black and white, good and evil, exemplary and deplorable, myths manage to capture the basic ideologies of a given culture and paint a picture of what everyday life might have been like within that culture. The way in which the myths changed over time reflect changes in the ideologies of the people telling the stories, editing and changing to suit new or emerging concepts as a result of trade, enlightenment or other factors. To illustrate how changing myths reflect a changing culture while also providing clues to that culture, it is helpful to examine several similar myths that have been preserved for a specific ideological concept. For this study, the concept of rape will be examined through the stories of the Sabine Women, the rape of Lucretia and the rape of Europa to indicate the attitudes of the ancient Romans and Greeks regarding women and feminine issues. The origins of Rome are included in the story of the rape of the Sabine women. According to early accounts, the new Romans were aware that while they had the strength to withstand invasions, they did not have the women necessary to continue their lines into the next generation but offers for marriage sent out to neighboring nations were refused. To overcome this barrier, Romulus and the other Roman men invited several neighboring nations to join them in one of the larger celebrations of Neptune and, when everyone had been gathered, the women were snatched by the Romans while their families and other men were pushed out of the city. Livy (1st cent.) calmly explained how the youths of the city grabbed the girls that were nearest to hand, but that some had already been reserved for the senators and relates how their grief was assuaged by the assurances of Romulus that they would be given full rights of marriage and that the children that would be the inevitable result of the mass rape would reconcile them to their husbands. “[Romulus] said, a sense of injury yields in the end to affection; and their husbands would treat them all the more kindly in that they would try … not only to fulfill their own part of the bargain, but also to make up to their wives for the homes and parents they had lost. The men, too, played their part: they spoke honeyed words and vowed that it was passionate love which had prompted their offence. No plea can better touch a woman’s heart. The women in course of time lost their resentment” (Livy, 1st cent.: 9f). This acceptance of brutality is further indicated by the reports that the women later helped their husbands fight off the invading Sabine men when they came to reclaim them (Rymer, 2006). The war that ensued between the two nations is said to have been stopped only when the women themselves, some carrying the children that resulted from the rapes, ran between the two armies and begged for peace, arguing that no matter which way the battle was decided, the original victims would be victims again (Church, 2006). In both the acceptance of the women of their new stations in life as well as the continued encouragement of the telling of this tale, the concept of rape in the ancient days is considered to have been much different as long as the woman was assured a secure future. As the story evolved, it developed that the Sabine men were able to enter the city armed as a result of the treachery of a woman of Rome. According to the story, this girl, Tarpeia, was also brutally treated by men, this time the Sabine men, as she was crushed to death by their shields upon letting them in and thus betraying her people. “There is also a story that this girl demanded as the price of her services ‘what they had on their shield-arms.’ Now the Sabines in those days used to wear on their left arms heavy gold bracelets and fine jeweled rings – so they kept their bargain: paying, however, not, as the girl hoped, with golden bracelets, but with their shields” (Grant, 1995: 309-310). In this story, the actions of the men are seen as justified and correct, properly paying the girl what should be expected as the cost of treachery. This is the case whether the story is understood to be the one given above or another story in which the girl is crushed under the shields as a means of hiding the ease with which the Sabines entered the city. The relationship between the two stories is important to note in terms of the ways in which the ancients viewed women. While the Sabine women who were raped were considered the property of Rome once they had been defiled and became, as expected, completely reconciled to their fate, no other evils befell Rome as the result of the treachery found in breaking the bounds of hospitality. On the other hand, the young girl’s desire for something she did not have was repaid with a brutal death as a justified punishment for betrayal. Through this relationship, it is evident that rape, while not necessarily condoned, was an acceptable form of conquest while betrayal was a crime punishable by death. According to Grant (1995), this myth helps to explain some of the Roman marriage customs that have been couched in terms of conquest rather than unification, “for the ceremony traditionally included a reference to capture, suggesting an element of coercion” (315). While there aren’t necessarily any historical documents or other evidence to suggest that the Latins of Rome were somehow able to overcome the Sabines entirely, this story serves to place the leaders of Rome in a stronger position, indicating that the only reason the Sabines were not conquered was only as the result of the pleading of the women rather than through any weakness on the Romans part. This argument regarding both the ambivalence toward rape in general in the older society as well as the view of rape as a male conquest rather than an emotional or physical act of violence upon a woman is supported by Garrison (2000): “In a culture where female protection under a kyrios, a male protector, signifies female qua property, one would expect rape to be a means of attack of one male on another via his property/woman.” At the same time, the idea that the women were taken by force, at least initially, as well as the promise given them by the men of Rome as part of their enticement to get them to stay, places a masculine obligation upon them to listen to the pleas of these women, again asserting that the promise is kept through honorable obligation rather than the weak capitulation of men to otherwise subservient women. McClay (2006) suggests that the purpose of these myths are to illustrate what he calls “the cost of Rome” which refers to “the enormous price to be paid, in countless lives lost and maimed, in the disruption of settled ways, and in the immense sacrifice of personal desires and aspirations, for the sake of the public enterprise of founding and securing this city of destiny” (McClay, 2006). Thus, the myth evolved and was preserved as a means of preserving the concept of the strength and sense of purpose of Rome that supercedes common rules of hospitality. The rape of Lucretia indicates that the concept of rape was taken a bit more seriously as Rome began to grow into a large power. This story occurs under the reign of the last king of Rome. To pass the time, the story goes, the young princes and nobles bragged about the fidelity and industry of their wives. When they went to check on what the wives were up to, they found most of them engaged in a party that included the presence of many young men, but they found Lucretia sitting at her home with her maids around her, busily working on some spinning. This model of feminine behavior, as well as the pride her husband took in her, incensed Sextus Tarquinius, one of the princes, to such a degree that he decided to break her will. When his seductions failed to win her over, he threatened her with death and dishonor by promising he would also kill a slave and place his naked body beside her to announce that the two of them had been lovers. Although he was able to have his way with her, Lucretia could not live with the shame, formally informed her husband, her father and other credible witnesses of what had happened and then killed herself. “The mythological instances of females committing suicide either to avoid rape or, if unable to avoid rape, to manifest the resultant repugnance and shame, interestingly invites us to consider instead the female response to such violence” (Garrison, 2000). In addition, the outrage that ensued at the funeral of the honorable lady caused such a great public outcry that the king found his way into Rome barred and was forced to flee into exile with his two older sons while Sextus fled into Gabii where he was assassinated (Grant, 1995: 318-319). This reaction to Lucretia’s rape, with Lucretia killing herself for the shame and the city rising up against the king, as compared to the reaction of the rapes of the Sabine women, in which they not only continued to live with the men who raped them but also pled for the new husband’s lives, indicates a significant shift in the way in which rape was viewed from the early founding of the city to the end of the monarchy within the state. In direct contrast to the life-affirming women of Sabine, who not only prevented the loss of life through war but who demonstrated the continuance of life through the presence in some of their arms of the babies they’d had as a result of the rape, Lucretia’s suicide was deemed the only proper action for a virtuous woman. “For the woman who renounced life of her own will in order that later generations might emulate her deed we should judge to be fittingly worthy of immortal praise, in order that women who choose to maintain the purity of their persons altogether free from censure may compare themselves with an authentic example” (Diodorus cited in Grant, 1984: 169-170). However, Diodorus also indicates that this action was a right action because of the shame that had been brought on her, thereby taking on the guilt of what had occurred: “And whereas other women advance a claim for pardon in matters done against their will, she fixed the penalty of death for the outrage done to her by force, in order that, even if one should wish to defame her, he should not have it in his power to condemn her choice as having been made of her own free will” (Diodorus cited in Grant, 1984: 170). In many ways, the rape of Lucretia could also be seen as an analogy for the rape of the state by Tarquinius Superbus, the king who was forced into exile. Tarquinius only took the throne as the result of a cruel betrayal of the older king by himself and his sister-in-law, whom he married and through whom he was able to forcibly take the crown without the confirmation of the senate or Assembly. “Thereafter, Tarquinius Superbus was believed to have maintained his internal power by strong-arm methods” (Grant, 1984: 166). Having taken power when the state was already on its way to democratization, the reign of Tarquinius was seen as that of a tyrant. “Tarquin swiftly reversed the democratically inclined reforms of Servius, decimated the senate and instituted a repressive tyranny” (Field, 1977: 177). However, the accounts of this tyranny are called into question by the recorded evidence. “For example, the evidence suggests that Rome acquired dominion over the town of Gabii by peaceful means, not by the colorful exploits of violence and treachery ascribed to Tarquin and his son, Sextus” (Field, 1977: 177). The story of Lucretia as it is told by the various ancient writers takes on different tones that range from moralistic instruction to patriotic affirmation, in which this political interpretation of the story is plausible. “Dionysius, writing as usual at greater length, added a different kind of patriotic note, asserting that Lucretia’s suicide affected the Romans with such great horror and compassion that they would rather die a thousand deaths in defence of their liberty than suffer such outrages to be committed by the tyrants” (Grant, 1984: 171). Grant points out how the story is frequently used as a means of justifying the overthrowing of a cruel leader. While he indicates that the origin of the story has been lost, the concept of the story itself seems to be of Greek, rather than Roman, origin. While it is often described as a rape because of the unwitting nature of her departure, the rape of Europa, originating in Greece, presents a story in which the physical act appears to be more voluntary in nature than that suffered by the women of Sabine or even the gentle capitulation of Lucretia. The story indicates that Europa, collecting flowers in a field with either her friends or her brothers (which changes with the source) is approached by a gentle bull who is beautiful and has a musical voice. When he bows down to invite her on his back, she jumps up and calls to her companions to join her, but the bull moves too quickly and rushes with her into the sea. “The seduction is usually described as a rape, but there is a strong suggestion that Europa suspected the beautiful, tame, white bull was something other than it seemed” (Field, 1977: 30). Traveling over the dark waters, the bull begins speaking to Europa, telling her not to fear, identifying himself as the king of the gods and the lord of the air and that he is taking her to his own country. In the telling of the stories, Europa is not reported to have begged to be taken home, instead only struggling to hold on tighter to the bull’s back to be sure not to fall off during the harrowing journey. According to Guerber (1893), rather than being frightened, Europa was instead “pleased with the novelty of her situation, and flattered by the god’s evident admiration … [she] wound her arms more closely around the bull’s neck to prevent the waves from washing her off her perilous seat, and allowed herself to be carried away” (45). Once he deposits her safely on dry land, he resumes a human form and takes her as his mistress, where she bears him three sons. According to the legend reported in Hamilton’s (1969) collection, the only request Europa made before agreeing to the union was that she not be left alone in a strange land. Although her mother and her brothers search for her, they are unable to discover where she has been taken. This search becomes an important part of the myth as it grows into a story of how the lands were settled. Like the stories of the Sabine women and Lucretia, the story of Europa takes on a greater meaning in the context of the society in which it was told, although this context, unlike the other stories, does not necessarily have political connotations. Rather than being a literal story about a true event, the story of the rape of Europa can be interpreted as a creation story. Interpreted this way, Europa becomes the light of the dawn who is born in Phoenicia, the land of the morning and daughter of Telephassa, who is also associated with morning light. She is “carried away from her eastern birthplace by the sky (Jupiter or Zeus), pursued by the sun (her most relentless brother Cadmus)” (Guerber, 1893: 386). The remainder of the Europa story tells of how Cadmus pursued her until he finally came to a place where his followers disappeared and Cadmus, investigating the reason why, found a dragon. To protect himself, Cadmus was forced to kill the dragon, who was associated with darkness, before he finally settled (in Thebes) without ever having caught up to his sister, who, as has been mentioned, has become associated with the dawn (Guerber, 1893). Long before the incident with the dragon, however, Cadmus, who had been accompanied by his mother and other brothers, had been left the sole searcher as his brothers founded other lands and his mother, associated with the light of the morning, had already laid down to die. This account seems to indicate a different definition of rape than that typically understood in today’s terms, which may help to shed some light on the differing reactions of the women of Sabine and the desperate final act of Lucretia. Based upon the concepts reflected in the story of Europa, the definition of rape does not necessarily refer to the physical sexual act that it has come to mean, but instead seems to refer to the physical abduction of the girl, prior to any further forcible action being taken. Although Europa is not placed in any peril, nor is she forced to do anything against her will, with the possible exception of her unplanned trip across the sea, her story remains associated with the concept of a rape. Of course, there is no way of knowing what might have happened had Europa not wished to remain a consort of a god, but her willing acceptance of him and apparent happy life with her sons suggests she did not enter into any agreements unwillingly nor was she forced into sexual relations. If this was the definition of rape even during the foundation of Rome, the story of the Sabine women could well have been intended as an abduction story as well, explaining the difference between the reactions of the Sabine women and that of Lucretia. Women abducted and then given a chance to make a choice of taking the man who desired her or to remain imprisoned might well determine to take a husband, especially if that’s what she had been raised to do since her birth anyway. In very few circumstances was the concept of love or romance considered important in a marriage, yet these women were offered both if they would merely accept the Roman men who had kidnapped them. By contrast, Lucretia, who had been defiled by the touch of a man other than her husband, could not bear to live with that shame upon her and opted instead to take her own life. It is hard to imagine that the concept of rape would have changed so drastically in this short span of time to have brought about such varied reactions among the women themselves. However, a change in definition for the term could very well explain the discrepancy. Likewise, a change in cultural attitudes, a willing acceptance of being the consort of a god for the very ancient Greeks, the accompanying respect and honor given to the Sabine women and the anticipated second guessing and contempt of the greater society of Lucretia’s world, could have a similar effect. By examining these various myths concerning the concept of rape, changes in definition, reaction and interpretation can be seen at work, as well as changing social constructs with the passage of time. As has been illustrated, the reference to the rape of Europa seems to indicate a different kind of physical violation than that indicated in the rape of Lucretia. This can be explained both by cultural shifts as women became more integrated in a thronging populace and therefore not so easily isolated from the rest of the world as well as a broad base upon which the term had been used – indicating the theft of the feminine from the male protector regardless of the depth of this physical violation. Societal constructs seem to have a great deal of influence upon when and how this term should be applied as the Greeks, acknowledging the theft of Europa from her home, tend to focus merely upon the effect this has upon the male members of the household in calling it a rape while the more urban interpretation of the term holds it to be the actual sexual possession of the woman as in Lucretia’s tale. The rape of the Sabine women remains sufficiently ambiguous to allow it to fall within either of these categories; however, the ease with which the women accepted the men of Rome, their surprising intervention in the war between their families and their husbands and the view of rape that is offered through the Europa story tends to suggest that these women were perhaps raped in the sense of being stolen from their male protectors rather than suggesting a complete sexual free-for-all. While myth can help to illustrate the lifestyles and beliefs of a given culture, this comparison of ancient Greek and Roman myths demonstrates the dangers associated with trying to make modern connections fit within ancient constructs. Changing meanings, different interpretations and unknown cultural contexts can all lead to a new perspective not before imagined. Works Cited Calame, Claude. “Mythe et ‘rite’ en Grèce: Des catégories indigènes?” Kernos. (1991): 179-204. Church, A. J. Stories from Ancient Rome. Chapel Hill, N.C.: Yesterday’s Classics, 2006. Field, D.M. Greek and Roman Mythology. New York: Chartwell Books, 1977. Garrison, Elise P. “Suicide in Classical Mythology.” Diotima. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University, October 2000. Grant, Michael. Roman Myths. Dorset Press, 1984. Grant, Michael. Myths of the Greeks and Romans. New York: Penguin Books, 1995. Guerber, H.A. Myths of Greece and Rome. New York: American Book Company, 1893. Hamilton, Edith. Mythology. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1969. Livy. History of Rome Late 1st cent. B.C.-early 1st cent. A.D. April 28, 2007 McClay, Wilfred M. “The Founding of Nations.” First Things. (March 2006). Rymer, Eric. “Sabine Women in Ancient Rome.” Ancient Rome. (2006). April 28, 2007 < http://www.historylink102.com/Rome/roman-sabine-women.htm> Read More