Sports and Exercise Psychology - Essay Example

Running Head: SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY Sport and Exercise Psychology s Sport and Exercise Psychology In the present paper, I suggest, “The humanistic model celebrates the individual. Its basic concepts reflect the importance of development of the whole person” (Hill 2001). I shall. provide an account of the concepts that underlie the humanistic perspective, including both person centred and gestalt theories, and would describe how the integrative sports psychologist might utilise humanistic concepts within his/her work. Over the past two decades, stressful life events have been studied in relation to a host of social, psychological, and medical outcomes (Cohen, 235–283, 2002; Dohrenwend & Dohrenwend, 418–420, 2003; Johnson, 64–95, 2001; Kaplan, 620–631, 2003). One of the most consistent findings within this vast research literature is the variability in well-being that people exhibit when they experience stressful life events. Constructs like vulnerability and resiliency reflect attempts to identify social, situational, and individual difference variables that either increase or decrease the likelihood that people will exhibit negative reactions to stressful events (Block & Block, 39–101, 2000; Compas, 393–403, 2000; Garmezy, 196–269, 2003; Kessler & McLeod, 620–631, 2003; Rutter, 389–395, 2000). Research on vulnerability and resiliency factors was stimulated in part by low and inconsistent relations between life events and outcome measures. Although statistically significant relations between negative life events and self-report measures of physical and psychological well-being have frequently been reported, seldom has more than 10–15% of the outcome variance been accounted for in studies using prospective designs. When objective outcome measures of physical well-being have been used, thereby eliminating the potential role of self-report biases, the amount of variance accounted for has shrunk to 1–5% (Rabkin & Streuning 389–395, 2004; Schroeder & Costa 389–395, 2003). Faced with a pattern of weak and inconsistent results, researchers have sought to identify psychosocial moderator variables that might affect the nature and magnitude of relations between life stress and well-being. Many studies have demonstrated that taking into account factors such as social support and certain personality variables results in stronger relations between life stress and both psychological and medical outcome measures (e.g., Barrera 389–395, 2002; Sarason, Sarason, Potter, & Antoni 389–395, 2003; Smith, Johnson, & Sarason, 188-235, 2003; Stone, Helder, & Schneider 389–395, 2002; Thoits 389–395, 2003). Identification of these variables has significance not only as a possible first step toward specifying psychological processes that mediate event–outcome relations, but also for identifying subgroups of individuals who may be at particular risk for negative outcomes and toward whom intervention programs might be targeted. Thus, Johnson and Bradlyn (2002), in reviewing the current status of life event research with children and adolescents, concluded that “in addition to the need for more prospective investigations, a major task for future researchers involves determining the nature of those variables that make some children and adolescents more vulnerable in the face of stress” (p. 91). A moderator variable is a qualitative or quantitative variable that affects the nature, the direction, or the strength of a relation between an independent or predictor variable and a dependent or criterion variable (Arnold, 143–174, 2000; Baron & Kenny, 1173–1182 389–395, 2001). In life event research, an impressive number of situational and individual difference variables have been identified as factors that increase the vulnerability (or, on the other hand, the resiliency) of people to the impact of negative life events. For example, there is evidence that social support, sensation-seeking motivation, and an internal locus of control are capable of reducing stress–outcome relations (Cohen, 235–283, 2002; Compas, 393–403, 2000; Garmezy & Rutter 389–395, 2003; Johnson, 64–95, 2001; Smith et al. 389–395, 2004). However, far less is known about how these and other moderators might function in combination with one another. Answers to this kind of question are needed to identify patterns of moderator variables that can (a) increase the amount of outcome measure variance accounted for by life event measures, and (b) serve as a basis for identifying highly vulnerable individuals. The study of multiple moderator variables is consistent with recent calls for greater attention to the role of multiple and interacting traits in personality research (Ahadi & Diener 389–395, 2001; Malamuth 389–395, 2001; Parkes 389–395, 2001). A focus on multiple determinants of behaviour is warranted not only by the complexity of personality, but also by the limited success that single determinants have had in accounting for substantial portions of behavioural variance (Funder & Ozer 389–395, 2003; Sarason, Smith, & Diener 389–395, 2003). As most theories of personality would suggest, traits are likely to interact with one another in varying patterns to affect behaviour. Despite the intuitive appeal of this suggestion, relatively few researchers have shown an inclination to study interactions among traits. In a recent review of studies published in the Personality Processes and Individual Differences section of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Ahadi and Diener (2001) found that although 26% of the studies assessed the additive influence of two or more individual difference variables on the dependent variable, interactions between the personality variables were studied in only 7% of the papers. Using a Monte Carlo strategy, Ahadi and Diener went on to demonstrate that the ability of a single individual difference variable to predict a dependent variable is severely curtailed when the individual difference factor is only one of several traits that codetermine the behaviour. A distinction between conjunctive and disjunctive moderators may be a useful one in moving beyond the study of individual moderator variables to the investigation of more complex moderator patterns. In this study, we demonstrate conjunctive effects of two minimally correlated psychosocial variables (social support and psychological coping skills) on a predictive relation between negative life events and adolescent sport injuries. Epidemiological studies indicate that 3–5 million athletic and recreational sport injuries occur annually in the UK, and that such injuries constitute a major portion of the accidental injuries suffered by adolescents and young adults (Kraus & Conroy 389–395, 2003). Although many of the causal factors in sport injuries are undoubtedly physical and biomechanical in nature, psychosocial factors may also contribute to injury vulnerability. Among the factors that may be involved are stressful life events; personality variables such as anxiety, self-esteem, and sensation seeking; and deficits in psychosocial assets such as psychological coping skills and social support (Andersen & Williams 389–395, 2002; Bergandi 389–395, 2003). Because nearly half of all male and female high school athletes sustain athletic injuries (Garrick & Requa 389–395, 2004), these injuries constitute a significant threat to physical well-being in the adolescent population. From a methodological perspective, injuries constitute a medical outcome variable having a sufficiently high base rate of occurrence and range of severity so that relations with predictor variables can be meaningfully assessed. Moreover, injury time loss can be reliably measured in ways that minimize the potential for contamination that may accompany subjects self-reports (Rabkin & Streuning 389–395, 2004; Schroeder & Costa 389–395, 2003). Among the psychosocial variables studied to date, life change has received the greatest amount of empirical attention. Interest in this variable was triggered by a report by Bramwell, Masuda, Wagner, and Holmes (2003), who modified the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (Holmes & Rahe, 136-145, 2000) and added items relevant to the athletic environment (e.g., “problems with the coach” and “significant athletic accomplishments”). Using life change units as the predictor variable in a prospective study of college football players, Bramwell et al. found injury rates of 30%, 50%, and 73%, respectively, in athletes who reported low, moderate, and high levels of life change over the previous year. Using the same life change measure, Cryan and Alles (2003) reported similarly impressive differences in injury rates between groups of football players who differed in life change units. Although these results suggest a possible link between life events and injuries, many theoretically meaningful issues remain unresolved. For example, the measure used in these studies did not distinguish between positive and negative life events. Events appraised as negative life changes have consistently yielded stronger relations with both medical and psychological outcome variables (Cohen, 235–283, 2002; Kaplan, 620–631, 2003). Another distinction that may be important is that between major life changes and microstressors, or “daily hassles” (Lazarus & Folkman 389–395, 2003; Zautra, Guarnaccia, Reich, & Dohrenwend 389–395, 2002). Recent prospective studies of life change and athletic injuries using improved life event measures have yielded weak and inconsistent results. Passer and Seese (2003) modified the response format of Bramwell et al.s scale so that, in addition to a total life change score, positive and negative life change scores could be derived. They reported a significant correlation between negative life changes and injury time loss for one of two football teams, but the relation (r = .15) accounted for less than 3% of the variance on the injury measure. Neither positive nor total life change scores were related to subsequent injuries. In a more recent study employing this improved scale, Williams, Tonymon, and Wadsworth (2001) found positive, negative, and total life change scores unrelated to injury measures in a national sample of female collegiate volleyball players. I believe that the inconsistent pattern of results obtained in studies of life events and athletic injuries suggests the possibility that, as in the case of other medical and psychological outcomes, certain moderator variables may influence the relation between life events and injury vulnerability. On the basis of prevailing theories of stress and coping (e.g., Garmezy, 196–269, 2003; Lazarus & Folkman 389–395, 2003; Rutter, 389–395, 2000; Thoits 389–395, 2003) and research results (e.g., Rosenbaum & Ben-Ari 389–395, 2003; Sarason, Sarason, Potter, & Antoni 389–395, 2003), one might expect psychosocial assets such as social support and psychological coping skills to influence how athletes are affected by stressful life events. Some attempts have been made to identify sports regions using techniques such as combination analysis (Bale, 188-203, 2000) and multivariate statistical analysis (Rooney 389–395, 2001) but generally the approach has been simply to map a single variable while adjusting for population. The essence of such studies is that the geographical distribution of sports variables -- usually players, clubs or facilities -- are neither regular nor random, hence encouraging the search for, and the identification of, sports regions. Such a regional dimension is often under-emphasized in sociological and historical work on sports; inevitably, there are exceptions (Becker 389–395, 2002). However, I believe that when applied to elite sports talent, the cartographic approach identifies some areas of overproduction and others which under produce. Such an uneven distribution often results in sports talent migration and positivist sports geography sought to model such migration, using the well-known gravity model in which the amount of migration is viewed as a function of distance of movement and size (or attractiveness) of the destination (McConnell 389–395, 2003). In this way, the number of migrants moving from surplus to deficit regions could be predicted with reasonable degrees of accuracy. Geographic analyses of sports migration are not, however, the preserve of statistical modelling and studies at both national and international scales have applied more sensitive, politically aware and even humanistic approaches to sport-talent migration. Various scales of migration have been explored using a variety of approaches, ranging from Rooneys work at the national level to that by Bale (2002) who explored UK collegiate recruiting at the global scale (while sports talent migration is also explored from various disciplinary perspectives in Bale and Maguire, 2000). The positivist philosophy also applied a number Of spatial optimizing models in order to create a more optimal distribution (from the viewpoint of profit maximization) of sports attributes, ranging from golf course maintenance costs (Stadler and Simone 389–395, 2002) to professional sports franchises (Rooney 389–395, 2004; McConnell and McCulloch 389–395, 2001; see also Campbell and Chen 389–395, 2004 and Rivett 389–395, 2003 for other spatial optimization approaches). Complementing studies of geographical variation between places have been a smaller number of studies exploring the geographical diffusion of sports over time. The father of modern anthropology, Tylor (2000), had published a geographical study of the diffusion of games at the end of the nineteenth century but applied to modern sports the emphasis has been on sports applications of Högerstrands model of innovation diffusion where the date of adoption of an innovation (in this case, a sport) is related to the distance from the initial adopter and the size of the area which is adopting it (Bale 389–395, 2003; Genest 389–395, 2002). Essentially, this approach conceptualizes sport as an innovation whose diffusion moves predictably outwards from its point of origin and, at the same time, down an economic hierarchy (for an alternative approach using the protestant ethic as the dependant variable see Hurtebize 389–395, 2002). While the model appears to have been somewhat successful, and while such approaches are undoubtedly innovative in that they do actually attempt to operationally the notion of the diffusion and adoption of sport as an innovation, they remain flawed because they inadequately answer the question of what particular areal unit of adoption should be selected for the sport in question (Lanfranchi 389–395, 2001). What is more they can be regarded as ideological in the sense that they fail to recognize the erosion of indigenous movement cultures and the cultural imperialism associated with the imposition of western sports in Africa and Asia (Eichberg 389–395, 2003). Such studies also fail to explore any forms of cultural resistance to the innovation. Studies of hierarchical and neighbourhood diffusion have been accompanied by examinations of sports relocation diffusion and the shifting centres of gravity of professional and other sports, at a variety of geographic scales (Gaspar et al, 2000; Moen 389–395, 2002; Waylen and Snook 389–395, 2002). The mapping of sports over space and time is intrinsically interesting. It is also of value in comparing the reality of the world of sport (as far as it is possible to conceive of and operationally the notion of such a reality) with the cognitive maps of sports which the public carry around inside their heads. Some attempts have been made to depict such mental sports maps (Bale, 89-167, 2000) and given the importance attached by many organizations to the fostering of sport-place identification, the approach may possess a certain utility. Such approaches also have obvious applications in sports planning. The idea of the carte mentale in sports geography is found attractive and is encouraged by Ferras and Pociello (2002) in their conclusion to a recent collection of papers by French sports geographers (Errais et al 389–395, 2002). Nevertheless, I suggest that it has become readily apparent, however, that a geographical treatment of sports must go beyond the yet another thing to be mapped syndrome or, as Ferras and Pociello (2002, p. 356) put it, the fétichisme cartographique. Such an approach had its methodological origins in quantitative economic and social geography and after a decade or more of such approaches it was noted by David Ley (2003, p. 417) that while the maps are of great interest and their compilation is no small task, they exemplify a research style where description takes precedence over interpretation. Maps of the spatial origins of professional sports players, to take one theme, invite interpretive accounts of the places and practices, which produced such social facts. Implicit in such a criticism is that a geography of sports needs to adopt approaches of a more humanistic nature and, at the same time, find for itself a distinctive conceptual framework which encourages ways of looking at the world of sport other than by simply mapping sport geographical variables. The centrality of space and place in sport and in geography invites a greater focus on these two basic concepts. In addition, it has been argued that a progressive geography should be concerned with human welfare (Lowe and Short, 412-435, 2000). Bibliography Ahadi, S., & Diener, E. (2001). Multiple determinants and effect size. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 398–406. Andersen, M. B., & Williams, J. M. (2002). A model of stress and athletic injury. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 10, 294–306. 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