What does Castells Mean by the Space of Flows - Assignment Example

What does Castells mean by the space of flows’ and what relevance might this idea have for processes of globalisation? Develop an example to illustrate your argument. Introduction Castells discusses the space of flows within the context of an environment which is founded on spatial elements. Space is generally considered an expression of society. This is supported by Castells and other spatial analysts. The space of flows also has various implications on society, the utilization of such space, including the complex relationship between society and space. This paper now seeks to discuss space of flows based on Castells’ description, including its relevance to the different processes of globalisation. An example will also be developed in order to illustrate this discussion. This paper is being carried out in order to understand the more contemporary application and understanding of space of flows within the context of globalisation and all its related elements. Body As was mentioned above, space is basically a tool in the expression of society (Francke and Ham, 2006). The relationship between space and society is essentially full of complications, mostly because space does not reflect society, instead, it is an expression of society (Castells, 1996). Under this context, space is not a copy of society, instead, it is a mirror of society. Spatial elements are based on the complexities of the greater social constructions. Moreover, social processes impact on space by affecting the created environment drawn from previous societal and spatial elements (Castells, 1996). Space, based on physics cannot be determined beyond the interplay of matter. Social theory discusses that space cannot be evaluated without considering social practices and applications. Castells (1996) assesses space based on material elements and on other material resources, like people, who participate in specific social interactions and social applications. Time and space cannot be evaluated without also considering social actions. Castells (1997) discusses time-sharing social applications and he cites the fact that space considers the practices which take place simultaneously. The distance between material resources and support is no longer essential or significant. Society is built around flows, including the flow of capital resources, of data, of technology, of organizational relations, of images, sounds, as well as symbols (Castells, 1997). Flows, in other words, include various elements within social organizations which manifest the different processes governing people’s lives. Castells (1997) discusses about a spatial form illustrative of social applications which impact and dominate the interactions in society; this is known as the space of flows. Space of flows refers to the “material organization of time-sharing social practices that work through flows” (Francke and Ham, 2006, p. 8). Castells (1997) also discusses flows to be purposeful and repetitive activities of interactions covering physically non-related positions applied by social actors within the various structures of society. This can also be evaluated with the use of various layers and elements of material support which when taken together make up the space of flows. The initial layer which is the initial support for the space of flows is supported by various electronic variables highlighting the material foundations of the resources significant in the interrelated fabric of society (Crang, 2002). This is considered general and tactile support for simultaneous applications and practices. It is considered spatial form in the context of the commercial society or the industrial society. Within the context of interactions, no place can survive in isolation as its position is mostly based on flows (Crang, 2002). Places do not fade into oblivion, however their existence is often incorporated into the network. Technological resources which support the network also support the new space. The second layer in the space of flows is based on nodes and hubs. Such space of flows does not exist in a vacuum, even if its structural conceptualization is often evaluated outside physical spaces (Francke and Ham, 2006). It is founded on an electronic interaction, however, such network coordinates specific elements with specific social, cultural, and functional elements. The networks build their sites based on the functions of each site, and based on the qualities of the product to be assessed within the network (Francke and Ham, 2006). The last layer for space of flows relates to the spatial organization of the different elites which apply the directional elements around which the space is expressed. Articulation of the elites as well as the groupings and divisions of the general mass are considered tools of domination in society (Castells, 1998). Space provides a crucial function in such situation. In general, elites tend to be cosmopolitan in their taste and within their space, the general population tends to be more local in their approach. The space of power and money is seen in most parts of the world, however, the life and experiences of people are built on places, their culture, as well as their history (Castells, 1998). On the other hand, the rich do not do not desire to be part of the flow, especially as they seek to manage their social cohesion. Under these conditions, determinations on who is “in” and who is “out” in society are established. Nevertheless, the assessment by Castells (1998) does not seem to support the suggestion of the improbable existence of the so-called power elite. In contrast, Castells believes that social impact is based on the perception that cultural elements are built within social foundations in such a way that the use of the codes secures access to the power structure without the rich people having to prevent access to its resources (Francke and Ham, 2006). The space of flows does not impact deeply in the whole structure of human experience. Most people are installed in places and as such, they believe that space is founded on place (Stalder, 2006). Castells (1998) discusses that places are locales whose functions are structured within the limits of physical contiguity (Francke and Ham, 2006). Not all places are considered interactive or spatially enriched (Francke and Ham, 2006). This is because their physical characteristics differentiate them as places. People exist and interact in places. However, since functions in society are built in the space of flows, the structural impact of its logic basically changes the meaning and diversity of places (Stalder, 2006). Experience, being supported by places becomes different from power; moreover, meaning is also distinguished from knowledge. In network society, various places exist and these are places which do not have specific qualities, and may sometimes be found almost anywhere (Stalder, 2006). The places seem to be the same regardless of where one is in the world. These places are termed non-places. The increase of these non-places is often based on globalisation and the increase of information technology. Such increase is based on various scales (Hubbard, 2006). For example, it would not seem to matter where a person would go shopping because the same choices and places seem to be found anywhere in the world. In effect, one’s place will likely have a special meaning and importance in one’s daily activities. On the other hand, the impact of place will likely decrease due to the expansion of information technology and globalisation (Francke and Ham, 2006). The global economy is built mostly surrounding command centres in order to allow for the coordination, management, interconnection of networks and firms. Other activities and services, especially those related to finance, consulting, and design are at the heart of all these economic activities (Miller, 2011). These can also be shifted to knowledge database and information flows. Advanced systems can also be used to support their various locations in different parts of the world. Various activities focus on specific points which indicate a rise in the differences between urban areas and the hinterlands (Miller, 2011). The so-called global city phenomenon cannot be focused on several urban centres alone. It is a network which coordinates various services and markets within a global setting with scales “depending upon the relative importance of the activities located in each area vis-a-vis the global network” (Francke and Ham, 2006, p. 7). In various countries, the connected structures are seen in various regions and localities, linking the centres together on a global scale. Moreover, globalization helps support regionalization. Expanding internationalisation of economic activities has made various areas dependent on these activities (Amoore, 2005). Regions have set-up networks of cooperation with various institutions and multinational companies. Regions and localities do not also disappear, however they are blended into the international networks which connect their specific related resources and sectors (Amoore, 2005). Cities and business districts are now information-based and they are also production units where company headquarters and financial institutions can locate suppliers and highly skilled labour they need for various tasks (Hopper, 2007). Elements which impact on the concentration of various activities are based on the reluctance of companies to mobilize due to real estate investments and the need to establish face-to-face contacts with clients prior to critical decision-making (Hopper, 2007). Moreover, various metropolitan areas still provide the better opportunities for personal growth, social place, and specific self-gratification of important upper-level managers. Under these conditions, the global city is not considered a place, but a process, one where the centres of production and application of advanced systems are linked under a global network (Francke and Ham, 2006). Castells (1997) discusses the concept of the new industrial space in terms of the changed applications of space resulting from different technological innovations. Such space is based on the technological capability to distinguish the production elements in various locations. It is also based on securing unity via telecommunication processes and technically supported precision in the creation of components (Cantwell, 2009). High technology industrialization is founded on two major groups which are very much similar in size. First, the highly-skilled and technologically supported labour force and second, various unskilled workers involved in routine assembly and related processes (Cantwell, 2009). A major element in the location pattern for the high-technology industry is based on the significance of technological complexities for the whole system. This is considered as the milieu of innovation. Castells (1997) understands various relationships of production founded on social processes which integrates a work culture geared towards the establishment of knowledge and new products. Castells (1996) points out that within IT (information technology) industries, spatial distance is needed in the existence of milieu. Milieu of innovation is a basic element of innovation for the industrial age. In various nations, the major technopoles are seen in the large metropolitan cities and areas (Francke and Ham, 2006). These centres persistently include innovation-inducing processes in order to secure balance. However, some of these centres are new. Their development and progress came about based on the accumulation of specific variations on the usual elements of production. The resources have been based on new knowledge. The labour has been separate from knowledge variables, and has called for highly skilled engineers (Rutherford, 2004). Social networks also impacted heavily on the establishment of innovations. These innovations cooperate with various regions, mostly establishing interactions which allow unity in numerous industrial structures. The linkages of this innovation all over the world are expanding and the power of each milieu in increasing its synergy is significant in eventually impacting on its end-results (Rutherford, 2004). The new industrial space is based on the rankings of innovation as expressed in the global networks (Yanarella and Levine, 2011). However, the goal of these networks is based on shifting applications of cooperation as well as competition between the builders and the locales. The new industrial space is build around the management of data which secure and distinguish their territorial variables. In accepting the application of the space of flows in the global context, it is important to note that the introduction of electronic communication and expanding information systems has secured a greater disassociation between spatial proximity and the manifestation of various functions like work and education (Yanarella and Levine, 2011). Consequently, some would predict the untimely end of the city or the cities which have barely been known when their functionality ended. Spatial transformation and its related processes are more complex. The expansion of teleworking is the most important assumption relating to the effect of IT on cities (Short, 2004). What is expanding is the telecommuting from various telecentres. Homes are now considered work spaces, however work is also expanding and is covering wider areas of the metropolis, likely increasing decentralisation processes (Short, 2004). Teleshopping is slow in living up to its potential as it is mostly substituting for mail catalogue purchases. It has not replaced physical shopping as yet, it has only offered another option in shopping. A similar condition can be seen in online customer services, including telebanking (Graham, 2004). Health services provide a challenging case with managing interplays between the concentration and the centralization of its related applications. Expert systems and online communications seek to provide speedy interconnections for medical care (Shaviro, 2003). However, in most countries, the major medical centres already rise in specific areas, mostly in major cities. Schools and colleges are centres which are not significantly impacted by the virtual discussions seen in IT. For universities, this is due to the fact that the quality of education is still founded on the importance of quality face-to-face interactions (Amen, et.al., 2013). Computer-supported communication is seen in different parts of the globe, mostly based on unbalanced applications. Various sectors of society mostly focus on the upper professional groups, supporting the social elements of the space of flows (Amen, et.al., 2013). What arises from the observations is a comparable figure of spatial dispersion and focus through information technology. Individuals mostly manage interactions from their homes. In effect, home-centeredness has become an important addition to the current globalized settings. However, this does not necessarily refer to the end of the city (Amen, et.al., 2013). With time becoming more flexible, places have also become more dynamic and individuals interact within these places in a highly diverse and mobile fashion. However, the relations between the new IT and present processes relating to social change has had major impact on cities as well as space. On one hand, the urban landscape has been changed in its presentation and blueprint (Oswell, 2006). Such change manifests major variations based on qualities of historic and territorial conceptualizations. On the other hand, the focus on interactivity with place interrupts spatial trends in behaviour, distributing them into a dynamic application of interactions which support the creation of new spaces – the space of flows (Francke and Ham, 2006). Based on Castells’ discussion, the era of IT is also welcoming a new urban form which is known as the informational city. This new city is founded on knowledge, and supported by networks and flows (Fuchs, 2008). This city is a process supported by structural elements of the space of flows. The establishment of loosely coordinated ex-urban groupings supports the elemental interrelatedness of various units and processes in cities over significant distances. It decreases the impact of territorial contiguity and utilizes communication networks. The elements of the American informational city are based on the interactions of fast exurban development, the breakdown of inner cities, and the rise of the built environment (Campanella, 2008). Castells (1997) discusses that European cities are built in an information age based on a different spatial application, and based on their historical progression. The business centres in Europe are, like in the US, the economic centres, and are also linked to the global economic market. The business centre is also supported by infrastructures, office spaces, communications, and advanced services (Castells, 1998). The business centres also do not exist apart from others, but through the relations with other locales. The suburban setting in these cities is socially diverse, linked to various peripheries in the central location cities. There are working class areas based on large public housing, new towns with younger populations made up of the middle class, and there are also ghettos with older public housing areas where immigrant populations and poor families are often excluded from access to the city (Francke and Ham, 2006). The globalized setting and the informational society are set in a new spatial setting, one which builds in various social and geographical applications known as the megacities (Bouteligier, 2012). These megacities are large conglomerations of people which represent the global economy and relate to the informational networks (Bouteligier, 2012). Megacities are linked to global networks and elements of their own locales, while internally veering away from their domestic settings. Castells (1996) discusses that this is a specific quality related to the global connections and local disconnections which support megacities as a new urban phenomenon. These megacities include Tokyo, New York, London, and Calcutta. Some of these cities are dominant in the global setting, however they build their global resources based on their populations (Castells, 1997). They draw in resources and people from the hinterlands. These cities are evaluated in terms of size, and are also a magnet for other major regions around the globe. In effect, Hong Kong includes not just its current population, but about population of 40 to 50 million people coming from various provinces and regions like Macau, Guangzhou, and other small towns impacting on the city (Campanella, 2008). These megacities will likely expand more in size and attractiveness because of their elevated levels of functioning. Moreover, these cities would be the centrepiece of the new spatial form, all in all supporting the updated space of flows. Conclusion Based on the above discussion, the space of flows refers to the dynamic processes of the environment and the geographical elements within urban settings. In the current context, the space of flows has blended well with globalization as the latter has provided the tool and the resources by which space of flows can be expanded beyond its geographical limits. Castells provides various applications of space of flows within the globalized setting, mostly in terms of megacities which are not limited by geography but are supported by information technology and the mobility of people. References Amoore, L., 2005. The global resistance reader. London and New York: Routledge. Bouteligier, S., 2012. Global cities and networks for global environmental governance. London and New York: Routledge. Campanella, T., 2008. The concrete dragon: Chinas urban revolution and what it means for the world. New Jersey: Princeton Architectural Press. Cantwell, B., 2009. International postdocs: Educational migration and academic production in a global market. London and New York: ProQuest. Castells, M., 1996. The Information Age: Economy, society and culture. Volume 1: The rise of the network society. Oxford: Blackwell. Castells, M., 1997. The Information Age: Economy, society and culture. Volume 2: The power of identity. Oxford: Blackwell. Castells, M., 1998. The Information Age: Economy, society, culture. Volume 1: End of Millennium. Blackwell, Oxford Crang, M., 2002. Between places: producing hubs, flows and networks. In: Environment and planning, 34(4), pp. 569-574. Francke, M. and Ham, E., 2006. Space of flows: Manuel Castells [online]. Available at: http://www.richardgilbert.ca/Files/SFU%20course%20files/Francke,%20Ham,%20Castells%20Space%20of%20Flows.pdf [Accessed 20 March 2013]. Fuchs, C., 2008. Internet and society: Social theory in the internet age. London and New York: Routledge. Graham, S., 2004. Cyber cities reader. London and New York: Routledge. Hopper, P., 2007. Understanding cultural globalization. London: Polity Press. Hubbard, P., 2006. City. London: Routledge. Miller, V., 2011. Understanding digital culture. London: SAGE. Oswell, D., 2006. Culture and society: An introduction to cultural studies. London: SAGE. Rutherford, J., 2004. A tale of two global cities: Comparing the territorialities of telecommunications developments in Paris and London. London: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Shaviro, S., 2003. Connected: Or what it means to live in the network society. Minnesota: U of Minnesota Press. Short, J., 2004. Global metropolitan: Globalizing cities in a capitalist world. London: Routledge. Stalder, F., 2006. Manuel Castells. London: Polity. Turner, B., 2011. The Routledge international handbook of globalization studies. London and New York: Routledge. Yanarella, E. and Levine, R., 2011. The city as fulcrum of global sustainability. New York: Anthem Press. Read More