How China Is Portrayed by Western Media - Essay Example

?How China is Portrayed by Western Media China’s rich history reflects the colourful culture of the country as well as the multi-faceted personality of its people. However, media has portrayed China in a variety of ways which may not fully correspond with the truth. There have been several issues unearthed in how media presents news and information about China to the world especially if coming from the Western perspective of foreign correspondents. This paper discusses how western media delivers its coverage of news stories on China. Historically, western nations of the world have risen and developed much earlier than those from the far east, especially South East Asia. Such developments in the west from the fifteenth century have radically shaped the image of Europe being a forerunner in progress. It has set the standard for the rest of the world to emulate (Cao, 2012). This has developed an arrogance which claims the western portrayal of the ‘orient’ as incapable of ‘modernization’ (Said, 1978). From nineteenth century scholars such as Marx and Hegel, to modern authors such as Fukuyama (1989), non-Western nations have been portrayed as technologically and socio-politically inferior to western countries. Three Events Meriting Media Coverage for the World Guo (2012) identified three major events in Chinese history in 2008 that have been portrayed by western media in several ways. These are the Tibetan riots in March, The Wenchuan Earthquake in May and the Olympic Games in August. With these three events happening in a span of a few months, China has received a wide variety of impressions from all over the world thanks to the subjectivity/ objectivity of news delivery of western media. The Tibetan riots were impelled by political causes and were highlighted with the conflicts and disputes on religion, freedom of speech and politics between Chinese society and western media. These riots attracting much attention from media and may have conveyed to the world that political instability can result from such a spectacle. The overall perception created by the western media was allegedly “inaccurate, ideologically biased against and unfair towards China” (Guo, 2012, p. 78). Chinese scholars thought that western media coverage of the Tibetan riots portrayed it as a government crackdown instead of a mere act of riot or unrest from a minority of the population of civilians (Guo, 2012). They felt that the foreign correspondents sided with the Tibetan rioters who were described as suppressed in their fight for freedom and equal human rights. On the other hand, these correspondents were critical and suspicious of the Chinese government. Further, such reporting of the news on the riots was not constrained to the event itself but was linked and analyzed with other protest actions such as the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 and a possible boycott of the forthcoming Beijing Olympics a few months after the riots (Zhao, 2008). The negative impression created by this western media coverage affected people’s anticipation of negative outcomes in the holding of the Olympics in China in the same year. What was expected to be an exciting and momentous sports event was marred by an anti-Chinese torch relay during the Olympics because of the earlier Tibetan riots (Zhang & Yu, 2008). Such display of rebellion has turned world opinion against China, and this was highlighted by western media (Guo 2012). Hosting the Olympics meant a big deal to China since it represented an achievement of a long-held ambition to show the world that sport is taken quite seriously in this country, not merely for fun or physical competition. For China, it is about national honor, pride or shame. The Olympic spirit is tightly intertwined with the Chinese nationalist sentiment (Guo 2012). The great anticipation in planning this grand event was disappointed by the natural disaster of an earthquake and the human intervention of a rambunctious riot meant to divert attention from the grandeur of the Olympics. In contrast, the Wenchuan earthquake surprisingly created positive relations between China and western media due to this natural disaster. The tragic nature of the event and the immediate need to help victims overcame ideological and political obstacles (Guo, 2012). Shen (2008) examined 5,550 news items in English from Google and summarized into four features how western news reports depicted the earthquake. The first was that western media admitted that the Chinese media quickly responded to the earthquake but were constrained in their interviewing activities. Another observation was that western media portrayed a positive national image of China and even tried to correct previously erroneous and damaging news reports on China. Thirdly, the earthquake was said to trigger patriotism and national identity amongst the people strengthening their nationalism. Finally, western media was seen to focus more on the economic recovery of affected areas of the earthquake as well as the quality of construction being done there. The Chinese media was hailed to have had a dominant role in the reporting of the Wenchuan earthquake more than the western media because the Chinese media was able to provide news facts about the event as it happened and objectivity of news reporting was emphasized in delivering all factual details of the earthquake (Sun, 2008). The earthquake was thought to be a better case in channelling global public opinion for China more than the Tibetan riot event. Zheng (2008) reported some guidelines in attracting more positive coverage from western media. One is to release news immediately after the event had occurred (e.g. the earthquake). Another is to provide in-depth and timely facts and finally, using different media to play up various reporting styles. From a Chinese perspective the critical headlines that thrust China in the limelight covered by western media was so extensive, intensive and damaging to the reputation and integrity of China that it created much tension and even led to open confrontations between western and Chinese media professionals. D’Angelo & Lombard (2006) contend that one’s perceptions about the news are crucial in interpreting the scholarly and professional meanings of the content crafted by media organizations which may be manipulative in some ways. It is also essential to understand outcomes such as the knowledge one can derive from it and the political attitudes it may develop. Media perceptions include beliefs about the persuasiveness and manipulative power of the news media (Perloff, 1993). It is also believed that oversimplifying media issues is linked with amplified feelings of negativism (Austin and Pinlkleton, 1990). When people trust media to be fair, it can be predicted that there is trust in government no matter how the news may influence people’s attention (Bennett et al., 1999). The power of media is so great that it can spur people to take up arms and rebel against government. Kan (2008) studied global public opinion with regards to the Tibetan unrest and found that national interests and the style of reporting of western media practitioners may be blamed to propel controversies in how the world perceived China at that time. The news reports, editorials of media organizations, internet articles, among others incited disputes and self-initiated demonstrations and protests in and out of the country. China and western nations manifest great differences in terms of some cultural dimensions (Hofstede, 1994). For example, power distance, which is defined as “the extent to which the less powerful members of institutions and organisations within a country expect and accept that power is distributed unequally” (The Hofstede Centre, para. 2) is a value scored highly by the Chinese. This implies that they believe that inequalities amongst people are acceptable and that the superior-subordinate relationship is polarized. On the contrary, western nations usually score low on this dimension because equality amongst people is emphasized in their culture. This explains why western media seemed to favour the side of the Tibetan rioters because they believed in their cause to fight for their freedom. Hofstede and Peterson (2000) assert that “collectivism implies a link between the individual’s self-identity and a collective, whereas individualism implies that the two are more fully distinct” (p.408). It must be noted, however, that the individualist sees the distinction between self and other as the defining characteristic of social interaction, whereas the collectivist sees the distinction between in-group and out-group as paramount in social interaction. This results in the notion that collectivists do not believe that social interaction is fundamentally universal in nature; there is always a self and an other that allow an individual in any type of society to identify more closely with some (Michailova and Anisimova,1999). For example, research shows that “European Americans have been found to dominate conflict situations while Asians and Asian Americans tend to either avoid conflict or to oblige the other party. A high degree of individualism has been attributed to the use of a confrontational- oriented style among Euro Americans, while greater collectivism and a desire to avoid loss of face have been attributed to the use of more passive and accommodating conflict styles among Asians and Asian Americans.” (Khoo, 1994). The Chinese put so much value on “face” or “mianzi” in Mandarin, which means “dignity, prestige and reputation”. Their greatest fear is losing face so they go out of their way to be polite and accommodating to maintain their dignity. They try to avoid disputes, conflicts and embarrassment. They also value loyalty and keeping their word. They are a very clannish people and go out of their way to protect the reputation of their family (Chinese Personality Traits and Characteristics, 2010). Western media may have marvelled at how the Chinese collaborated in managing the earthquake crisis because westerners are more individualistic and watches over their personal interests more than the welfare of others. Such collective caring has merited the Chinese more positive impressions as disseminated by the media. China has been portrayed by western media in various ways, mostly, in relation to western influence. Two distinct versions of modernity, namely the history-oriented capitalist industrialism and the contemporary-based liberal humanism, have emerged in western formation of Chinese image to the world (Cao, 2012). This means that China’s level of development and modernization has been measured by western media by its industrialist or humanist dimension. History-oriented capitalist industrialism usually focuses on scientific/technological advancement and economic development which is typically resorted to when reporting about China’s history, technology and trade in relation to western transactions (Cao, 2012). Thus, Chinese historical events are often interpreted with the country’s interactions with western nations and the latter’s influence on China regarding science, technology and power (Cao, 2012). Media discourse goes through three levels: situational (with media practitioners), institutional (media organizations) and societal (broad social consensus) (Fairclough, 1989). However, shared assumptions of modernity provide a comprehensive framework that encompasses the different levels of discourse. Still, the final determinant of China’s image is social consensus. In the situational level, individual media practitioners need to comply with the broad consensus for their stories to go public. If their stories do not conform to such standards, it gets eliminated in the editorial process. This is where the gap ensues between the views of the media practitioner and the broadly accepted images of China in mass media (Cao, 2012). Media reporters are aware that their reports should not only tell stories but contribute to the existing repertoire of established socio-cultural discourse about China. Narrative analysis uncovers connections between a story about China and a modernity discourse according to the typical image of China at each “age”. Western representation of China has been found to go through various patterns over the course of history. The fluctuating images depicted of China have been categorized under various models and time frames: Isaacs’ model (1980): (1). Age of respect (eighteenth century) (2). Age of contempt (1840–1905) (3). Age of benevolence (1905–1937) (4). Age of admiration (1937–1944) (5). Age of disenchantment (1944–1949) Mosher’s update (1990): (6). Age of hostility (1949– ) (7). Second age of admiration (1972–1977) (8). Second age of disenchantment (1977–1980) (9). Second age of benevolence (1980–1989) Cao’s Update (2012) (10). Third age of disenchantment (1989–2001) (11). Age of uncertainty (2001– ) (6). Age of hostility (1949–1972) Figure 1. Historical Patterns of Image of China (Cao 2012) Moving on to the next level of discourse means moving away from relations of meaning and into relations of power (Cao 2012). Truth is attempted to be established in the context of western culture since it engages with a western audience and does not communicate with China as a culture (Cao, 2012). When there are shifts in the relationship between China and western media, perceptions of China likewise change, but contributing factors for the change in image of China primarily come from within the west and not in China. This is where economic and political influences come in. The current relations between China and the western world are interlocked by economic interdependency, hence western interests dictate that economic considerations override other concerns (Cao, 2012). It does not necessarily follow that whatever is presented by the western media to society is shared by all members of the audience. Truth is perceived as which version is the most plausible. This means that China’s actual version of the story competes with the various versions portrayed by western media. Cao (2012) contends that what is ‘real’ is mediated through a ‘conceptual map’ and ascribing meanings within people’s knowledge about China. Hall (1992) contends that the representation of truth about China as portrayed by western media does not necessarily bear a close resemblance to ‘reality’. It becomes a symbolic struggle to construct societal consensus. Personal Insights It seems that the human weakness of desiring to be on top and looking at all others as inferior also afflicts media and its practitioners. Western media may secretly be totally impressed with the grandeur of China, its rich history, culture and people, and its passionate commitment to progress, but media subconsciously represses its show of admiration that it highlights, or at least balances it with stories of its imperfections. I can interpret that as western culture refusing to be outdone by eastern culture because it had earlier on claimed its rightful position as superior over all other cultures. Now, China rises to its own glory, impacting the world with its countless contributions, one of which is its steady rise in economy. Guo (2012) reports that “China has become a world power, its economy the second-biggest in the world only after the U.S., after its GDP and industrial production galloped at an annual two-digit rate over the past two decades” (p. 76). That fact alone earns China the respect it deserves. However, media, being a relentless hunter for human interest stories to tell the world, can meticulously spot opportunities to humanize greatness. It is not necessarily a practice laced with bad intentions, since it makes its audience relate well enough to the challenges and even downfalls of the subject as well as its eventual rise back to glory. Perhaps, western media is subconsciously aware that it is doing its part in making China an inspiration for the world to emulate. It has been established that objectivity should be key in reporting the news. For me, objectivity means reporting facts in a balanced manner, taking both positive and negative pieces of the story to its audience. Although studies have shown evidence that western media may be subjective in its portrayal of China, it may justify their action as balancing the good with the bad. They may think positively of China deep inside but negatively report about it on the outside, eventually leaving the final judgment to its audience. Somehow, media takes risks in doing so, but I do believe western media silently cheers for China as it witnesses its journey to success after being downed by tough challenges. It gives them hope that even when giants fall hard, they do get up, brush the dust off themselves, and walk on. Conclusion Portrayal of China by western media stems from a historical view that non-western nations are unable to catch up with the rapid progress of their western counterparts. Hence, China, being a non-western country, but is manifesting remarkable progress over the years while holding on to their rich traditions, possibly intimidates western media. To regain their supremacy, western media may downplay China’s achievements when they report news about it, or take a subjective stance leaning on less positive interpretations to be conveyed to the public. Apart from the simplistic reasoning that western media seems to keep China from shining as an equal, there are social, economic and political factors that influence the western media from highlighting China’s success as a country while not totally allowing it to be suspended in bad publicity. Their symbiotic ties keep them engaged in each other’s involvements. As a note of hope, Cao (2012) remarks that continuing interactions between China and the west are beset with opportunities as well as challenges. Opportunities to improve their relations to bring about mutual understanding and eliminate stereotypes that keep them from moving forward should be sought by both parties. The challenge is in innovating strategies to achieve a more positive and harmonious relationship that will serve both their needs. References Austin, E., W. & Pinkleton, B., E. (1999). “The relation between media content evaluations and political disaffection.” Mass Communication Society, 2, 105-122. Bennett, S. E., Rhine, S. L., Flickinger, R. S., & Benett, L. M. 1999. “ ‘Videomalaise’ revisited: Public trust in media and government.” Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 4, 8-23. Cao, Q. (2012) Modernity and media portrayals of China, Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 22 (1): 1–21. Chinese Personality Traits and Characteristics (2010) Retrieved on May 5, 2013 from http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=116&catid=4&subcatid=18 D’Angelo, P., & Lombard, M. (2006). The power of the press: The effects of press frames in political campaigns news on media perceptions, paper presented at the International Communication Association. Fairclough, N. (1989). Language and power. New York: Longman. Fukuyama, F. (1989). The end of history?. National Interest, 16, 3–18. Guo, K.(2012) Perceptions of western media coverage on China: Chinese scholars vs. foreign correspondents based in China, China Media Research, 8(1), Hall, S. (1992). The West and the rest: The discourse and power. In S. Hall & B. Gieben (Eds.), Formations of modernity (pp. 275–332). Cambridge: Polity Press. Hofstede, G.(1994) Cultures and Organizations: Intercultural cooperation and it’s importance for survival –software of the mind, London: McGraw- Hill/ HarperCollins Hofstede, G. and Peterson, M. (2000) ‘National Values and Organizational Practices’, in N. Ashkanasy et al (Eds.), Handbook of Organizational Culture, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 401-415 Isaacs, H. (1980). Scratches on our minds: American images of China and India. New York: M.E. Sharp. Kan, D., Y. (2008). Political analysis on the controversies over global public opinions: Roots, motivations and channels. Zhong Gong Cheng Du Shi Wei Dang Xiao Xue Bao 5: 27-30. Khoo, G P. (1994) The role of assumptions in intercultural research and consulting: Examining the interplay of culture and conflict at work. Paper presented at Pacific region forum on business and management communication, David See-Lam Centre for International Communication, Canada, November, 1994 Michailova, S. & Anisimova, A. (1999) Russian Voices from a Danish Company, Business Strategy Review, 10 Issue 4: 65-78 Mosher, S.W. (1990). China misperceived: American illusions and Chinese reality. USA: Basic-Books. Perloff, R. M. (1993). “Third-person effect research 1983-1992: A review and synthesis.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 5, 167-184. Said, E.W. (1978). Orientalism: Western conceptions of the orient. London: Penguin. Shen, L. (2008). On the characteristics of foreign coverage over Wenchuan Earthquake. International Communication, 6, 60-63. Sun, H. (2008). Contention of news discourses of Chinese media over Wenchuan Earthquake as compared with western coverage. NewsInterviewing, 4, 43-48. Zhang, C., & Yu H., F. (2008). Analysis on media frames on torch-relay reports — Case study on CNN, BBC and Xinhua Net. Journalism Lovers, 11, 17-18. Zhao, K. (2008). “Analysis of western media news reports on the 3•14 Event in Tibet by the Research Group of the College of Journalism at Fudan University.” Unpublished manuscript made available from the author. Zheng, B., W. (2008). Wenchuan Earthquake Reports: A successful channeling of global public opinions. Press Circles, 6, 3-5. Read More