Kosovo Independence - Essay Example

?Running head: KOSOVO INDEPENDENCE Kosovo Independence Insert Insert Grade Insert October 29, Kosovo Independence Introduction Edmund Burke conceived society as being made up of complex web-work of institutions that undergo continuous growth (Raeder 1). Social order and political progress in most societies emerge from the interplay of the way social institutions are managed and run, as well as its overall relation with social forces. As a result, most societies become victims of social and political conflict when social institutions fail per se to regulate the social behaviors of diverse population and interest groups (Raeder p.1). Kosovo gained independence in 2008 when major international states recognized and ratified its charter for statehood. The culmination of Kosovo independence came about after witnessing one of the worst political conflicts that disintegrated the larger Yugoslavian nation. The post-independence Kosovo has become of great interest to many political analysts who in various capacities evaluates the interplay of social and political forces, together with their ability to motivate conflict in the society. Therefore, it is important to evaluate post-Kosovo independence within the major social and political stages proposed in Edmund Burke theory. Stage 2: Society becomes divided by the change (Independence) Kosovo has various political parties, but the two leading parties are the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDP) and the Democratic League of Kosovo, with former being the largest and newest, which also reigns in the country, and the latter being the second largest party and the oldest party in the country. These two parties are predominantly composed and supported by the Albanians, with the Serbians, who are the second largest community being represented by the Independent Liberal party. Independence is associated with changes that political leaders and other interest groups envision for the new society. On large scale and even smaller, the independence changes may be the source of discontent and subsequently some people, groups, and civil society may be opposed to the new changes. Edmund Burke observes that society in this stage manifest some level of discontent that eventually results into social, political, and cultural divisions. As a result, the people together with discontent groups may become vocal in speaking against the changes proposed or carried out by the new power and this form of opposition may be in words or violence. Immediately after Kosovo was declared independent in 2008, internal discontent and discomfort between two major ethnics Serbs and Albanians emerged, which led to violent incidents in the Northern Mitrovica in December 2008 (Notholt p.33). Despite this independence, the two communities have always been in conflict, with the Serbs feeling ill-treated by the majority Albanians to an extent that they have always advocated for separation of the assembly among ethnic lines. The violence continued up to the first few weeks of 2009. At the same time, during April 2009, there was ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians again this time due to returning Albanians families to their homes in North Mitrovica. The gravity and intensity of these violent protests were eased by the intervention of Kosovar police and KFOR troops after a few days. What surveys have revealed is that in the larger Kosovar state, there is still dissatisfaction among the population about the economic, social and political progress (Eifler and Seifert p.157) and the blame of the population has shifted from UNMIK to the Kosovo government. People see the government as doing little to rectify and make their life better. In post-independence period, Kosovo cannot be described to have succumbed to this stage of independence and conflict as proposed by Edmund Burke. What can be said is that social, economic, and political divisions in the country have to be addressed through restructuring of economic, social, and political aspects that are framed on an inclusive participatory mechanism with broad stakeholders in the country. At the same time, international community role remains visible in preventing the disintegration of the new state. Stage 3: Civil war breaks out and a dictatorial power emerges Despite gaining independence, Kosovo remains a country where violence is the order of the day especially on then northern part where the minority Serbs live. Currently, over 80 countries (excluding Serbia, Russia, China, Greece, Cyprus, Spain, and Slovakia) have recognized Kosovo as an independent state, while the other countries still perceive Kosovo as a province of Serbia. Therefore, conflict still reigns, which has necessitated NATO peacekeepers to step up their efforts in maintaining calm in the region, more so following the September 2011 roadblocks by Serbs preventing Albanians extending their reign to Serbs habitats in the north (Bytyci 1). Politics in Kosovo remain hotly contested, with major political parties always pushing for control of the country. The major political parties are the PDK, whose leader is the prime minister in the coalition government; LDK, which produced the latest former president; Alliance for the Future of Kosovo with 11 seats in assembly; New Kosovo Alliance, Democratic League of Dardania with 9 seats in assembly, and Independent Liberal Party representing Serbs and having five seats in the assembly. The first two parties have produce the most influential persons in the history of Kosovo liberation, with Fatmir Sejdiu, who was the president from 2006 to September 2010 after resigning, being a key member of the Kosovo Liberation Army that fought the removal of former Yugoslavia President, Slobodan Milosevic. However, his rule became tainted in the later months of his rule after he was accused of violating the Kosovo constitution, thus forcing him to step down. The reign was taken by Jakup Krasniqi in acting capacity, who ruled the country until April 2011 when elections were held, installing Atifete Jahjaga as the first female president of Kosovo. Edmund Burke observes that in this stage the society due to presence of numerous divisions and subsequent violent opposition results into emergent dictatorial leaders. This situation accelerates the conflict in the society and stability is further compromised as more opposition develops and new government takes changes that are more drastic. The assumption by Edmund is that when the society fails to contain the situation that originate in Stage two, then all indications point to situation where the breakdown of the society become inevitable. Although there has emerged new dictatorial power as a result of democratic elections in the country, Kosovo society cannot be described or seen to have disintegrated to the level proposed by Burke. Kosovo has a constitutional framework that established the PISG (Provisional Institutions of Self-Government) where elections are to be held after three years. In 2010, the government collapsed after LDK (The Democratic League of Kosovo) quit the ruling coalition. This scenario brought great confusion, which persisted, and in November 2010, the Kosovar parliament was dissolved through non-confidence vote. Snap elections followed on 12 December. Subsequent re-runs in selected municipalities were ordered in January 2011, but even as this was taking place, there has been overall perception that in the meantime, Kosovo has to operate without a parliament and depend on a caretaker government. Even with organized re-runs, a new government remains a challenge as more obstacles present in the formation of stable government. Currently, NATO remains the key to amicable solution in the violence through its peacekeepers. However, dialogue has been advocated for by international community, more so given that Serbia seeks to join the European Union (EU), but cannot gain eligibility until it resolves its conflict with Kosovo. In fact, the latest tension involving Kosovo’s forceful attempt to control border point with Serbia, and the banning of cross-border trade, as well banning of imports from Kosovo to Serbia tends to fuel more pressure for continuation of civil strife between Albanians and Serbs. Stage 4: Someone comes along who takes matters into his own hands Burke observes that in this stage, the conflict has been heightened and in order to restore peace, law and order, someone rise to power and the very someone transforms the society into dictatorship. International community presence in the country to see establishment and growth of democratic space institutions is still wide present and this seem to glue post-independent Kosovo society. Transition is faced with challenges but majority of international observers note that establishing a political, economic, and social environment that rests on strong legal background will help Kosovo navigate successful in modern challenges. The most important aspect is to remain and foster inclusiveness in policy-making. As such, Kosovo cannot be described within this stage as proposed by Burke. Conclusion Post-independent Kosovo when analyzed within the purviews of Edmund Burke theory, one finds out that the society has not attained the aspects as expressed by Burke. Post-independent Kosovo is still young and unstable since it gained independence and local, regional, and international community has remained the focal point to the progress of the country to attainment of stable holistic development and peaceful environment. As a result, major political, social, and economic conflicts remain small-scale in nature and all attempts are made to contain them. Works Cited Bytyci, Fatos. Serbs reinforced barricades in northern Kosovo's divided city of Mitrovica on Thursday and NATO peacekeepers were out in force, two days after 20 people were injured in clashes. Reuters. September 29, 2011. http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/09/29/us-kosovo-idUSTRE78S1G720110929 (20 November 2011). Eifler, Christine & Seifert, Ruth. Gender dynamics and post-conflict reconstruction. Frankfurt: Peter Lang Publishing, 2009. Notholt, S. Fields of fire: an atlas of ethnic conflict. Troubadour Publishing, 2008. Raeder, Linda C. ‘The liberalism/conservatism of Edmund Burke and F.A. Hayek: A critical comparison’. Humanitas, Vol. 10, No. 1. National Humanities Institute, 1997. http://www.nhinet.org/raeder.htm [16 November 2011]. Read More