Consumer Culture and Factors Influencing Behavior - Essay Example

Taste and Consumer Behaviour Although consumers are capable of buying and eating numerous foods and food products, taste is a social construct. This means that the consumer adheres to cultural and social rules about what they eat, the place and time they eat and how the food they eat is prepared, and the way in which they consume food in order to meet societal norms. Arsel and Bean (2013: p904) argue that society is an amalgam of gender, class, religion, culture, and other factors, which define the individual consumer in their context, meaning that preferences and tastes may differ even within the same family. In general, however, the individual consumer’s choice is constrained by their society through indirect and direct influences. One of the most salient influences of consumer behaviour regarding what they eat is social class. Bourdieu (2011: p32) takes particular interest in how food and culinary preferences factor into social distinction, which he refers to as the individual’s attempt to act in a specific way in order for members of their own class to accept them, as well as how social class tailors consumptive habits consciously to be different from other classes. Therefore, taste is not only affected by demand and supply, natural inclinations or mere preferences, or even considerations of functionality or economics, but results from an interplay of multiple, complex factors. Habitus, in the sociological context, is defined as the distinctive lifestyle of a people, which is demonstrated by adherence to routine daily life activities that define their affiliation in the social class order. Particularly, habitus pertains to natural behaviours instead of mere affectations, although Lantos (2015: p48) argues that behaviours should be influenced for a period of time prior to them becoming natural. Habitus is the natural way of doing or acting, to which the individual is predisposed to make specific choices and from which they could deviate in specific situations. Rather being a matter of compulsion or deliberation, the habitus involves choosing to do what, under normal conditions, seems reasonable and obvious. Social class, as well as associations with others in closed groups, is one of the fundamental factors involved in developing habitus. Therefore, although a common labour worker could develop tastes for caviar and Cristal, he is not likely to encounter them during interactions within their specific social class and circles due to the fact that they are not available for this income level. Referencing Weber and Marx, Kopetz et al. (2012: p215) note that the class struggle perception requires the person to model their actions and behaviours appropriately to their class while reviling those that are characteristic of other social classes. Possibly the most influential discourse on taste over the last few decades is the theory of distinction by Pierre Bourdieu, in which he argues that status competition is the most influential factor that shapes taste. In this case, having good taste is identified as a mark of distinction as it confers an honour to and sets apart those who have a claim to possess it. Taste confers those who claim to possess it with cultural wealth, which is transmitted via a process of socialization that occurs through the education and family system (Bourdieu, 2010: p21). Taste, as part of the class habitus proposed by Bourdieu, is one element of a group of preferences and dispositions that are embraced freely by social actors, while also reflecting their class position objectively. Therefore, taste according to the theory of distinction is a cultivated disposition, instead of a cultivated one and because society is characterized by class fractions and antagonistic classes, class membership determines how people make sense of their environment and their position in social space. Because membership of the higher classes has less economic and material constraints, their tastes and aesthetic outlooks are reflective of appreciation for abstract tastes and ideas, as well as an attitude of detachment (Bourdieu, 2010: p22). Bourdieu’s theory of distinction can be used to explain how food and culinary tastes are constructed socially via the habitus, indicating that even where there is no established culture, people in similar geographic and economic circumstances adhere to similar patterns by doing what is sensible and convenient (Hill and Martin, 2012: p48). Such patterns, in turn, become culturally distinctive norms that are shaped by constraints and opportunities. Patterns with regards to dining and eating emerge according to habitual behaviours with Askegaard and Linnet (2011: p397) noting that where culture is absent, ingredient selection is guided availability in particular geographical locations. In addition, space influences preparation and consumption, especially with regards to dwelling and the people’s habits. Taking the restaurant culture into consideration, for example, it is distinctly industrial and urban in origin. Indeed, the emergence of restaurants is as a result of space premiums, which, in turn, result from small dwellings in the home that do not provide sufficient dining and cooking facilities (Smaje, 2014: p372). Moreover, restaurants have emerged because people cannot devote time to learn the skills of cooking, as well as because the lack of space for cultivation means that most foodstuffs are imported. In addition, people immigrating to cities bring habits and tastes from their location of origin, meaning that the price they have to pay in order to import exotic goods from their location of origin elevates food prices. However, Carfagna et al. (2014: p163) observe that a number of distinctive differences in food and culinary tastes are influenced by tastes of luxury, even more than they are influenced by tastes of necessity. The latter derives from efficiency and practicality, especially in relation to what is regularly available to satisfy basic nutritional needs. This normally falls into a widespread and regular practice, for example making rice and other grains a common part of most cultures’ consumption habits. Paul and Rana (2012: p418) also note that people in these cultures occasionally pay premiums to seek an unusual culinary experience and, eventually, this becomes ingrained into their culture as they seek to experience the foods more often. In fact, the unusual tastes that are sought out occasionally by consumers form the most substantial differences between economic and cultural strata of societies (Kastanakis & Balabanis, 2012: p1403). Several factors influence food tastes among consumers, as well as the ability of people to indulge in culinary fancies. One of them, according to Fullerton (2013: p216), is ingredient availability, including their availability due to seasonality at specific times, as well as location because of storage and transportation. Another factor is the economic availability or “adorability” of ingredients to a given class of individuals. Moreover, knowledge of culinary options also influences culinary tastes and consumer behaviour, for example, where a traveller who is knowledgeable of other cultures through reading is aware of foodstuffs consumed in a local area. In addition, culinary tastes and subsequent consumer behaviour are also influenced by genetic factors like acuity of taste and food allergies, as well as the degree to which an individual dislikes or enjoys particular tastes. The time which individuals can devote to the preparation and consumption of food also impacts on the foods that they can feasibly prepare, such as where recipes may be complicated and some foods may take long to prepare, as well as the fact that meals consisting of numerous courses may only be served if the individual ahs the time to consume all the courses (Solomon et al, 2012: p22). Culinary tastes and consumer behaviour in buying food are also influenced by the time people devote to learning required food preparation skills, while availability of specific equipment and facilities needed for preparation of food are also a huge influence (Saatcioglu & Ozanne, 2013: p704). Importantly, the disapproval or esteem of other persons at the notion of dining in particular ways or consuming particular foods, including religious and secular taboos and norms, influence culinary tastes. Finally, psychological tendencies to avoid or seek unfamiliar foods, along with nutritional needs that are subject to cultural and physiological influences, also determine adequate or necessary food consumption behaviours. Therefore, there are four major factors that influence consumer behaviour in relation to their culinary tastes, which are status of consumption, time available, economic ability, and cultural influence (Hoyer & Stokburger-Sauer, 2012: p172). The overall message, thus, holds that consumer behaviour with regards to food can be subject to complex, interrelating factors that differ by situation and over time. However, there are arguments that class is not the ultimate determinant of an individual’s tastes, especially in a western world that is increasingly egalitarian, which has led to a general pushback against the concept of social class or hierarchy. Griskevicius and Kenrick (2013: p378), for example argue that there has been a standardization of tastes across social classes because of industrialization, democratization, and cultural communication. Thus, although it still holds that economically disadvantaged individuals and societies are unable to afford similar quality and quantity of food as the wealthier sections of society, they are more able to obtain some of the foods identified with the latter. For instance, poorer sections of society are now able to buy caviar and although it may not be the same quality as the caviar consumed by the wealthier sections of society, the difference between expensive and cheap caviar is almost negligible, especially taken in the context that poor individuals could not afford caviar a century ago. Paasovaara et al. (2012: p16) also suggest that today’s society is more individualistic in nature and that, rather than conforming to standards set by gender, race or class, consumers tend to establish individual tastes that are not dependent on social categories. As a result, the previously rigorous concept of consumer behaviour as dictated by social class has relaxed as individual tastes become increasingly central to consumer behaviour. According to Hamilton et al. (2014: p1842), culinary taste standardisation has been as a result of mass production and its inherent desire for efficiency, which is different to the standardisation of tastes before the industrial revolution where it was used as a means of cultural control for consumer behaviour. Therefore, although the current development of a mass culture has sought to standardize tastes, it can be viewed as a continuation of the past but on a grander scale. As such, the current discourse on standardization of taste and its impact on consumer behaviour can be viewed as a struggle over which social class sets the standards for culinary tastes and, therefore, influences consumer behaviour. On any scale, standardization of tastes has always had the effect of reducing options for consumers and, in turn, their buying behaviour (Krishna, 2012: p340). This means that it is increasingly difficult to express or satisfy individual culinary values, as well as demonstrate discriminating culinary tastes, if the consumer’s options are limited. Hargreaves (2011: p84) asserts that in the present age of mass marketing, distribution, and production, producers of food benefit highly from the efficiency that uniform production, especially since this enables them to sell standardized foods to a significant proportion of society. This, in turn, provides the mass producers of food products with an advantage competitively over customized food manufacturers. This allows them to under-price competitors through their additional margins of profits, as well as increased capability to reproduce production and retail operations, and, thus, influence consumer behaviour. As a result, Mai and Hoffmann (2012: p320) argue that, although culinary tastes are still constructed by society, the options of expressing and satisfying taste have been significantly reduced by the supply of uniform food products. McDonalds and its impact on consumer behaviour is a salient example of this point, as it has reduced its options to the lowest common standard denominators in terms of quality and taste. This requires an acknowledgement that people from lower social classes accept standardized products, while standardization of tastes has supported the notion of increasing egalitarianism that has had a huge impact of consumer behaviour among the lower and middle classes (Rucker et al, 2012: p359). He (2012: p652) also mentions standardisation of tastes within the home kitchen, noting that consumer behaviour in buying foods is generally limited to a few brands of ingredients, while supermarkets have reported increased sales of processed ingredients and pre-prepared meals. In addition, although there are consumers who seek out non-standardized foods and show interest in imported, expensive ingredients, supermarkets mostly sell major brands that also provide the premium brands associated with the same food products. Strictly speaking, however, the mass market and its impact on consumer behaviour have resulted in culinary tastes losing their exclusivity and locality, limiting consumer options severely. While there has been an increase in quality demand, the fact that masses of people from different social classes are demanding similar quality elevates the standardisation of tastes. With regards to the influence of globalisation, while it has increased choices related to culinary tastes, the choices that influence consumer behaviour have been standardized (Reed et al., 2012: p313). The best example of this is the increased taste for Chinese cuisine around the world, which, while once exotic, has become commonplace and the menus in Chinese restaurants have been standardised. In conclusion, considering the discussion above, it can be argued that although social class and culture were once significantly influential factors in taste distinction and behaviour of consumers, contemporary society has seen a reduction in relevance. With increased commoditisation and standardisation of food and food products, consumer tastes have been increasingly eroded, while their choices have been increasingly constrained in terms of options. However, this is not the only trend noted with countertrends that show demand variety and quality becoming more important. 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