Writing Own Lecture Log - Essay Example

? RE Lecture Log ­­­ ­_____________________ Degree Programme: What is the lecture log? The lecture log is a place for you to write up yourdraft lecture notes into coherent sentences and to think about how to structure information. At university you are encouraged to develop skills in written expression (writing), structuring ideas and analysing arguments. This piece of work will help you to begin this process. The log is NOT the place to jot down notes taken in the lecture. The log is where you should write up, expand and reflect on these original notes. You should reflect on some of the literature you have read to help you. Remember, the log is an assessed piece of work. You are expected to dedicate at least one hour each week to writing up your lecture log (this way you won’t fall behind). This ‘write-up hour’ comprises your third sociology ‘teaching and learning’ hour (in addition to your one hour lecture and one hour seminar). To help you to structure your notes, we have included sub-headings. Aims and Objectives: you should note down the main aims /objectives/ learning outcomes, of the session. Introduction: you should introduce the lecture topic and pinpoint the main sections/themes of the lecture which you will review. Section 1, Section 2, Section 3: these are here to help you think about how you can divide the lecture content into 3 main themes or blocks. We expect that you will use a minimum of 7 reference ( remember you read for your degree). The lecture log is your personal property. Take care of it. We hope you enjoy the module! The Policing Diversity Team 2011 Lecture 1 Title: How is male domestic violence managed by multi agency support groups? Date: Aims and Objectives: The aim of this topic is to discover in what ways domestic violence against males is a neglected social issue. The objectives of this discussion are; to explore the relevance of violence against men in society, to discover how society deals with the issue, and to discover which agencies are equipped to deal with the issue when it occurs. Introduction The issue of the abuse of men within a domestic situation is rarely discussed as having a high relevance within society (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 25). Because of gender definitions that tend towards the assumption of characteristics of men as framed by the concept of dominance, when men are beaten and abused there is an additional shame that they must confront within societal and cultural ideals of gender roles. Therefore, the crime often goes unreported, and when it is reported, there are little structures put into place to deal with the issue from the perspective of the needs of the male victim. Section 1: Male Victimization The history of domestic violence primarily centers on the female victim, the prevalence of male violent tendencies towards women having a dominating position in the social discourse. Therefore, agencies and structures for victim assistance are geared towards female interaction and are designed to accommodate women as they try to disengage themselves from hostile living environments. However, when a male is the victim of domestic violence, the system is without many structures in which a man can disengage from his violent home life. Therefore, the way in which the system treats a male victim of domestic abuse is as much a problem as the issue that is bound up in the socialization of social roles and the expectations of the characteristics of the genders. The dynamics of violence within the family are complex and difficult to fully define. Women’s aid groups have evidence that a woman dies at the hand of a family member every three days. Women and children have “very little power, socially, legally, or financially” and furthermore “among women aged 15-44 years gender violence accounts for more death and disability than cancer, malaria, traffic injuries or war put together” (Blundell, Griffiths and McNeill 2003, p. 56). Because of the high prevalence of male abuse against women and the perceived gender unequal balance of power, women are more supported in their search for a safer home environment. However, this also suggests that a man who has placed himself in the center of abuse has not lived up to his position as the more dominant and powerful part of the gender equation. Therefore, society is ill-equipped to properly address the issue without looking at the male victim as responsible for his problem. In other words, sociologically, a male that is a victim has failed as a man. This type of stereotyped gender structuring misrepresents the issue of male victims of domestic violence. A male is not supposed to be vulnerable to the physical assault of women, but this puts domestic violence into the wrong framework. Domestic physical violence is not only about the physical abuse that is applied by one spouse onto another, but is also about the emotional consequences of being attacked by someone that is part of the home structure (Miller and Shelly 2010, p. 48). The atmosphere of violence affects the way in which trust, respect, and safety are viewed within the home. In addition, violence in the home, even when not levied against the children, will have a negative impact on their maturation and psychological development (Radford and Hester 2006). As well, the idea that the male sense of self is immune to the effects of a violent home life is a false understanding of how violence affects the victim. While the physical effects and threats should not be diminished for male victims, the sociological point of view on male victimization should be framed to counterbalance the cultural belief that a man should not be vulnerable to the physical threat of a woman. Issues that emerge due to violence in the home include self-blame, an inability to focus which will impact occupational efforts, and a sense of isolation (Wolhuter, Olley, and Denham 2008). Therefore, male victimization must be taken just as seriously as female victimization, whether or not the physical threat is as relevant because the health and well-being of the man is just as compromised as that of a woman. Victimization of males in the domestic sphere can be framed by different types of violent behaviors. The most common is that of intimate terrorism where violence is used to intimidate and to control a partner. In this situation, the threat of violence, which may actually only have the effect of drama and disharmony, controls the behavior of the victim. In order to maintain peace, the threat takes on the characteristics of a third actor in the relationship, thus becoming more harmful than the violence itself as it oppresses the victim (Johnson 2008). Section 2: Available Government Agencies for Male Victims of Domestic Violence The problem with the current system of agencies available in the UK for victims of domestic violence is that is specifically geared towards female victims with aspects that are geared towards children. However, male victims must navigate a system that is geared towards condemnation of the male gender. The discourse on domestic violence refers to the male oppressor, the dominance of the male gender, and the predominance of female victimization, which reaches to 86% of all domestic violence, which includes child abuse (Hoyle and Young 2002, p. 76). Therefore, when a man is the victim of domestic violence, the language and the structures that are in place for victims do not necessarily fit into the situation. The way in which the subject is approached by police officials is through the training they have had in regard to a female victim; therefore a male victim does not have the resources that have been developed for female victims. References Blundell, Jonathan, Janis Griffiths, and Patrick McNeill. 2003. Sociology AS: the complete companion (AQA). Cheltenham: Nelson Thornes. Hoyle, Carolyn, and Richard Young. 2002. New visions of crime victims. Oxford [u.a.]: Hart. Johnson, Michael P. 2008. A typology of domestic violence: intimate terrorism, violent resistance, and situational couple violence. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Meyer-Emerick, Nancy. 2001. The Violence against Women Act of 1994: an analysis of intent and perception. Westport, Conn. [u.a.]: Praeger. Miller, Allen R., and Susan Shelly. 2010. Living with stress. New York, N.Y.: Facts on File. Radford, Lorraine, and Marianne Hester. 2006. Mothering through domestic violence. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Wolhuter, Lorraine, Neil Olley, and David Denham. 2008. Victimlogy: Victimisation and victim’s rights. London: Taylor and Francis, Inc. Lecture 2 Title: How does gender and ethnicity affect policing? Date: Aims and Objectives: The aim of this topic is to understand how ethnicity and gender affect the ability of police officers to effectively function. The objectives of this section are to determine the relationships between gender and ethnicity, to assess which combinations are most resistant to police activities, and to assess what can be done to improve relationships between the police and those who have developed issues that can be traced to cultural beliefs amongst members of certain gender and ethnic groups. Introduction: Introduction Problems within a community become related to the way in which the police can have an effect. Members of the police force should have an approach to the public that is based upon a belief in the equality of all citizens to receive equal service. However, because members of the police force are also members of the community, they have belief systems that stereotype citizens in regard to gender and ethnicity. This perpetuates the treatment of certain social groups, which in turn creates poor attitudes from those social groups towards the police. Unfortunately, this creates a cycle that is very hard to break. While stereotypes can be seen as part of the natural course of the development of culture, they also create an unnecessary hostility that prevents certain members of the community from getting the service that they need. Section 1: Women and the Police Women often need more service from the police than do men. Women need protection from their boyfriends and husbands when a domestic situation becomes violent (Walker 2010, p. 314). They are far more often the potential victims of domestic violence, constituting 86% of all reported incidents of domestic violence (Hoyle and Young 2002, p. 76). According to the Domestic Violence, Forced Marriage and “Honour” Based Violence report done in 2008, women will are likely to experience violence in their lifetime, with one half of all women becoming victims (Great Britain 2008). Morris (2009, p. 415), has suggested that 90% of all domestic violence is perpetrated by males. Women are also less likely to commit crime than are men and have a low rate of murder among their gender. However, the statistics for black women are very different than for the general population of women. Black women are seven times more likely to be arrested than are white women (Chigwada-Bailey 2003, p. 268). This is an extension of the fact that black people, in general, are three times more likely to be arrested than white people (Cree, 2010, p. 194). This provides for a view on the police of inequality, that black people are being targeted for behaviors that are overlooked or not framed as criminal for white people. Black women, in particular, are more cautious and even hostile towards the police because they are more likely to be hassled by them, but also because when the police are introduced into a situation in their domestic sphere, the women feel that they and their family will not get a supportive service, but will be treated with discourtesy and harsh recriminations. Section 2: Racial Relations In general, racial relations from the police to the community are often extensions of the stereotyping and racial prejudices of members of the police department. In regard to these relations, the police to the community must be seen in the same way that a parent is to children. This is not to say that a police officer will naturally have more maturity than the public, but that the emotions of a police officer must be held in check when dealing with a situation where the actors in the situation will have a great deal of emotions about the events. Just as a how a parent will break up a situation between children, listening compassionately and neutrally about the events, so too must a police officer put aside preconceived ideas about events and assess them according to the evidence and descriptions provided by the public. In race relations, preconceived ideas about the ‘tendencies’ of one race over another must be set aside in order to properly serve the community (Wadman 2009, p. 52). Just as the parent must set aside his or her emotions during an incident in order to wisely administer justice, so too must the police provide justice in regard to fairness and equality. Black women use their experiences with the police, the fact that they will be more likely to be arrested and that their sons will most likely be harmed by the police through arrest or more harsh treatment has created reluctance for black women to see the police as a resource when they are in trouble. The police, when introduced into a situation, are mistrusted, therefore, they are not providing the service of safety to the public that is intended. Through the perpetuations of stereotypes, the police and the public become locked in a cycle of mistrust that serves no one. This can cause the police to be reluctant to intervene. Section 3: The Irish The 1948 Nationality Act allowed for the rights of the Irish within the English system of law, allowing them to travel in and out of Ireland and into England freely and creating a labour force that could increase resources for the UK (Paul 1997, p. 99). However, the introduction of freedoms through law has not discounted the ways in which history has created a hostile relational situation between the English and the Irish. Therefore, relationships between the police and the Irish can be tense and create as many problems as it resolves. Just as the issues with blacks creates problems due to prejudice, so too does the historical strained relationships with the Irish create problems. References Chigwada-Bailey, Ruth. 2003. Black women's experiences of criminal justice: race, gender and class : a discourse on disadvantage. Winchester: Waterside Press. Great Britain. 2008. Domestic violence, forced marriage and "honour"-based violence: sixth report of session 2007-08. London: TSO. Hoyle, Carolyn, and Richard Young. 2002. New visions of crime victims. Oxford [u.a.]: Hart. Morris, Anne. 3 November 2009. Gendered dynamics of abuse and violence in families: Considering the abusive household gender regime. Child Abuse Review. Vol. 18, pp. 414-427. Wiley Interscience. Paul, Kathleen. 1997. Whitewashing Britain: race and citizenship in the postwar era. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Wadman, Robert C. 2009. Police theory in America: old traditions and new opportunities. Springfield, Ill: Charles C. Thomas Publisher. Walker, Lenore E. 2009. The battered woman syndrome: with research associates. New York, NY: Springer. Lecture 3 Title: Relations with the Irish Date: Aims and Objectives: The aim of this section is to examine the relationship of the police to the Irish. The objectives of this section will be to look at why the relations are strained, to assess how those relationships are experienced, and to decide in what ways the relationships can be handled. Introduction The Irish in England are considered to be an unruly and violent group who must be assessed according to their Irish roots. Ireland has large gangs of youth who work for older sources of power that provide an unofficial ‘policing’ to their communities (Winston 2000, p. 2). There is still no real peace in Northern Ireland, bringing prejudices from that part of the country into England as the communities migrate and spread the issues. Hate drives the violence within that nation and it spills onto English soil. There are zones of conflict in which the worst episodes of violence occur. While political power has been growing within the Irish communities and for the Irish in England, the long history of problems has created an ethnic problem that often must be handled at the community level by the police. Section 1: Northern Ireland Northern Ireland is the center of resistance against the English occupation of Ireland. In 1542, Henry the VIII made himself titular king of Ireland, thus truly beginning the rule of Ireland by the English who wished to expand their territories (Chrimes 1999, p. 269). Since that time, Northern Ireland has been in conflict and strife over the desire to have an independent Ireland. This is also tied to the conflict between Catholics and Protestants as the two sides represent the political divisions within the region (Draper 1897, p. 328). Hate has been the backbone of the resistance, the intense loyalties emerging on both side of the conflict creating a great deal of violence and hostility between the Irish and between the Irish and the English. As of 1998, the Irish are considered full citizens of Britain, thus giving them the right to declare dual citizenship between both Ireland and England. In 2005, the IRA dissolved their formal organization in order to support the peace between the citizens of both countries. The arsenal was disbanded for the IRA under the supervision of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, although local arsenals may be, and most likely are, still intact (Covey 2010). Section 2: Street Gangs Street gang activities in Ireland are covered by the civil strife that still exists. Therefore, it is often difficult to assess the extent and powers of these gangs. The activities often spill into England as extensions of these gangs emerge. According to Covey (2010), much of the way in which these gangs are formed is through delinquent Catholic youths who have been kicked out, many as young as 14, who have formed their own resources in order to survive. Through their gang affiliation, they can create an income resource, a family, and a sense of empowerment where social life has failed to provide these aspects of need through legal means. Understanding their plight, rather than treating them like hooligans, will create a better relationship between the gang members and police officers. However, their crimes must still be addressed with determinations on creating a safer world. The Garda Juvenile Diversion Program of 2004 has allowed for the healing between the gangs and society to begin with programs of reintegrating gang members into society (Duffy and Gillig 2004, p. 84) . Section 3: Irish and English Relations Some of the problems that have arisen because of the conflict is through the lawful dehumanization of the problems that disallow rights to a people who is expressing a dissonance to occupation. The Prevention of Terrorism Act allowed English authority to determine that behaviours could insinuate terrorism and could be treated with investigation that is beyond what most citizens would expect (Walker 1992, p. 121). This act, essentially, criminalized all Irish and provided a framework in which the Irish lost their basic rights (Scraton 2007, p. 233). The problem with relations between two nations of people who have been in conflict for centuries is that it is difficult to come to a place where prejudice does not interfere with the assessment of justice. Justice has been met out with torture, in some instances, just as it has been assaulted with violence against officials. Both sides have gone so far, that coming back requires a long healing process. Programs have been put in place to provide for a better place from which to serve the people, but these programs are only as good as the belief in their success by both sides of the issue. Therefore, the relationships between the Irish and the English have a foundation that is formed on mistrust, creating a difficult position from which to assert authority without prejudicing justice. Scraton (2007) discusses the effective “releasing the dead from silence” as a way in which to provide a context in which healing can occur between authorities among the English and the Irish. Identifying the truth will create realities on both side in which evil and good can be eliminated in favor of an understanding of the general provocations for actions from both sides. On a local level, the police have an opportunity to see justice from both sides and assert fairness as the way in which to handle issues that arise that might utilize prejudices against the Irish. Through effective handling of the truth, fairness and justice will come to light and wash out the dark effects of prejudice behaviours. References Chrimes, S. B. 1999. Henry VII. New Haven: Yale University Press. Covey, Herbert C. 2010. Street gangs throughout the world. Springfield, Ill: Charles C. Thomas. Draper, John William. 1897. History of the conflict between religion and science. New York: D. Appleton and Company. Duffy, Maureen P., and Scott Edward Gillig. 2004. Teen gangs: a global view. Westport, Conn: Greenwood press. Scraton, Phil. 2007. Power, conflict and criminalization. London: Taylor and Francis, Inc. Walker, Clive. 1992. The prevention of terrorism in British law. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Winston, Nessa. 2000. Between two places: a case study of Irish-born people living in England. Dublin: Irish National Committee of the European Cultural Foundation. Read More