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It should be noted that attachment does not involve exclusively in the childhood; rather, it can be continued in adulthood - a view supported by Ainsworth (1991, in Schneider 1993, p.42). However, the form and the quality of attachment in adulthood is likely to be influenced from the quality of attachment that a person has experienced in his/ her childhood (Ainsworth, 1991, in Schneider, 1993, p.42). In fact, in the context of the ‘Strange Situation’ experimental process (Ainsworth et al. 1978) it has been proved that attachment is likely to be developed in the early years of human life.
Through the above experiment, where the attachment of infants to their mother (or caregiver) is measured, it has been proved that attachment in this period of life can appear in 4 different forms: ‘insecure-avoidant, secure, insecure-resistant and insecure disorganised’ (Ainsworth et al. 1978). In any case, attachment can have many different aspects being influenced by gender and culture, as explained below. McKinsey & Claussen (2003) tried to identify the influence of culture on attachment; in their study, the quality and the aspects of attachment developed between the Egyptian children and their mothers were examined through appropriately customized interviews – visits in the houses of 30 families in Egypt. . As a result, in Egypt, culture along with gender can be considered as being variables influencing the form and the development of attachment as a key element of social life.
On the other hand, Mercer (2006) has opposed the influence of culture on attachment; his study is based on the findings of the research of Mary Ainsworth in Uganda (in 1950s); in the context of the above research it was proved that no relationship exists between attachment and culture. In fact, after visiting ’26 families with babies’ (Mercer 2006, p.41), Ainsworth came to the assumption that the level and the quality of attachment of infants in Uganda are similar to that of infants in Britain (Mercer 2006).
The influence of culture on attachment is made clear in the study of Kalat (2010); in the above study it is explained that the patterns of attachment in different cultural frameworks are similar (Kalat 2010, p.175); however differences exist in regard to the measurement of attachment in different cultures (Kalat 2010, p.175). As an example, Kalat (2010) refers to the ‘low consistency’ (Kalat 2010, p.175) that characterizes the findings of the measurement of attachment of children in South Africa.
In the relevant research, different findings were retrieved when a different research approach was used, a fact which, in accordance with Kalat (2010) indicates the influence of culture on the measurement of attachment. In any case, when the attachment needs to be measured it would be necessary to use an appropriate approach aiming to control inconsistencies; for example, the cultural adaptationism (an approach suggested by Gumperz & Humes, 1986, in Harwood, Miller & Irizarry, 1997,
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