What Role does Early Education Play in the 'Gendering ' of Children - Essay Example

THE ROLE OF EARLY EDUCATION IN GENDERING CHILDREN By submission Abstract Gender scholars have heavily studied gender and discrimination. The female stereotypes and discrimination has specifically been a popular area of study. However, much attention has not been given to how girls and boys get to know their genders, and how they are gendered at an early age. This paper looks at intensive literature about earlier studies about genderization of children. To illustrate the role of education in genderization of children, this study has been borrowed from an earlier research paper by Karin Martin about “Becoming a Gendered Body: Preschool Practices.” First, an introduction to the area of study is given, and then a review of the literature about children and gender is provided. The research is conducted in four preschool settings, with data collected from both the staff and the children through observations and questionnaires. The research results are discussed and finally a conclusion and recommendation given at the end of the paper. Introduction Every society is abounding to stereotypes. Since the societies are diverse, people tolerate their differences by creating generalizations that categorize people into different groups. Some of the created stereotypes are negative while others are positive (Connell 2005). Every stereotype leads to a prejudice culture, which is communicated in action and word to the communities, families and even the young children. The gender bias a child experiences in his or her early years can shape the child’s belief and attitudes associated with the child’s development of intrapersonal and interpersonal relationships (Bowles & Herbert 1976). The gender bias can also impact access to educational equality, stifle their psychological and physical wellbeing. It is very critical for the early childhood educators to be conscious of the effects of stereotypes. The gender identity concept awareness is important for the educators because it is always placed on the children at a very early age, for example, nursery colors selection. Children start to understand and form gender concept at about two years of age. Most children begin to know they are a boy or a girl at the age of three years. At around three to five years, the children grow their gender identity and start to clearly understand male or a female traits. Immediately these young children understand their gender identity, they begin to develop gender stereotypes (Wajcman 2007). The Role of Early Education in Gendering Children Literature Review Becoming a “Boy” or a “Girl” Children begin to identify themselves as boys or girls from a very young age. It now considered that asking whether gender comes out of biology or social interactions are not quite helpful because the two reasons are directly linked. Gender here can be defined as the socialization difference exhibited by men and women that they have acquired over time (Thorne 2008). Gender is different between cultures and they are not necessarily the biological traits which differentiate between a male and a female. Earlier research has indicated that gender identification can be formed in two different perspectives; sex role theories and gender relational theories. The sex role theories were believed to be the main cause of generalization in children in the 1970s. According to the theory, children learn different ways of relating to the world through observation of what the people around them are doing, by being punished and rewarded for the appropriate or inappropriate behaviours (Birdwhistell 1970). As a result, children grew their behaviours towards the same sex members of their families. The sex role theories have been the most impactful and influential in the development strategies that are targeted at improving the opportunity of equality. The intervention is born out of the concept that giving access to non-stereotyped role models and materials. The children are motivated to join the opposite sex areas out of their own choice, adopt nontraditional behaviours and attitudes. Gender relational theories, on the other hand, children are viewed to actively engage in their own gender identities. The theory argues against the thought that all boys and girls have the same behavior and interests (Anyon 1980). Gender in children is thought to grow continuously, based and shaped by ethnicity, the social class, culture, age and religion. The theory supports the concept that adults play a major role in shaping the children gender by helping them question and understand in a better way the conventional gender stereotypes (Eckert 1989) Early Years and Gender Children extract information from different sources in an effort to develop a picture of their identity and to understand who they are. The key sources of the information include the local communities, parents, the media, early years professional and the parents. Parents Most of the parents seem to hold unconscious perceptions about their children gender. Even before they give birth to their son or daughter, the expectations that are based on gender may influence how the people around and the children perceive a child. For most families, the father wishes that they bear a boy child who will play a role in the continuation of the family bloodline after the child is born (Willis 1977). People react differently with the mother treating the child differently from the world go in terms of gender depending on the sex of the child. Parents are very conscious and are keen to see that their children only acquire acceptable gender behaviours the fathers, specifically, are keen to see that their sons conform to the stereotypical man-bahaviours and not to be controversial. The local Community The local community views the men and women, boys and girls as different gender entities. These entities have to behave in certain manner; they have to play according to their gender and relate to their peer group in a certain manner. The play and the relation to their peer groups will greatly determine the children’s knowledge and understanding of what the community views as acceptable gender behaviour. The early year’s settings Some research study has identified attitudes, behaviour and underachievement of the boys as a major gender issue. The results showed that this is caused by a feminised culture in the early years of growth of the boy children. Some of the organizational and management practices in the early education settings have been identified to help in the differentiation of boys and girls. Several strategies targeted at creating awareness on those working with the children towards the gender stereotyping aspects of gender have been designed and integrated into equal opportunities policies (Wajcman 2007). Methodology and Data To illustrate the role of education in genderization of children, this study been borrowed from an earlier research paper by Karin Martin about Becoming a Gendered Body: Preschool Practices. The research uses other sources of research literatures to explain and support the research findings (Fischer 1992). The research was conducted in four Preschool classrooms (Preschool A and Preschool B). These schools had several different settings based on select gender traits. All the experimental classrooms had the following posted on their 1. No wrestling 2. No killing games, violent play, karate, kicking, etc. 3. The bikes are only used on the outside of the gym 4. No crashing of the bicycles 5. Houses should not be climbed, they are for playing alone 6. Older children leave the bikes for the toddlers when they come to the playground 7. The balls are meant for rolling, catching, and tossing, they are not meant for slamming into people 8. The children and adults will walk alongside each other to look for solutions, but not to shout across the room for solutions 9. Use the school equipment appropriately The research emphasized on the children’s use of space, physical body movement, and the physical contact amongst the children or between the kids and their teachers. A qualitative software was used to code the fieldnotes (Hyper-Research program). The categories that were coded came from the data and as a result were not predetermined categories. The fieldnote excerpts are provided and are the examples of data representative data. The tables representing the number of times a phenomenon was observed were given. Research Results The schools discipline the bodies of the children. The kids are active physically, and the learning institutions like schools impose some disciplinary measures and prepare them for the social world. While the measures put in place docile bodies, they also yield gendered bodies. Since these disciplinary controls operate in different perspectives, some bodies are meant to be more docile as compared to others (Connell 2005). The research examines how the following practices contributes towards the gendering of kids bodies in preschools: the effects of bodily adornment/ dressing up, gendering of physical interaction occurring between teachers and children. Other practices include physical interaction among the school children, how the teachers instruct boys and girls bodies, and how a given limit of restrictions impact on the voices of boys and girls. Bodily Adornment Dressing up is probably the most profound way in which children’s bodies are gendered at the institutions and at home through the kinds of clothes they wear. The research looked at how the parents use clothing to gender the children. The way the children dress up shows whether a child is a girl or a boy. Table 1: Girls wearing pink dresses in five preschool classrooms (Connell 2005). The 61% of the girls were observed to wear pink dresses almost on a daily basis. The pink color signifies feminine gender. Boys were spotted to be synonymous with the primary colors including black, orange and florescent green (Birdwhistell 1970). Wearing the dresses was observed to limit the extent of physicality in girls at the preschools. It is observed that it is not just the dress but also knowing the behaviour related to the dress. A few girls already understood how they were supposed to behave in those dresses. This knowledge is assumed to come from home and where the kids live in. Different clothing was provided at the dressing rooms and girl were observed to play more dress up as compared to the boys. As the ages increased, the dress up game increased from two to three and five years (Eckert 1997). Table 2: Relaxed and formal behaviours observations, by child gender (Eckert 1997). The observations above do not indicate why boys engage in more of relaxed behaviours while the girls engage in the formal activities (Fischer 1992). Definitely most of the parents would give an explanation that the boys are more predisposed to crawling on the floor, sloppy postures, etc. However, the research observations reveal that the teachers assist in building this gender difference according to bodily behaviours. Eight teachers were in a position to reprimand the girls for the movements that are relaxed. Results similar to these were also observed by Sadker and Sadker (1994) in their hand raising research when they considered hand raising a formal behaviour. They observed that the boys shouted without raising their hands while demanding attention. Yelling, as in kids, or controlling voice speaker is a bodily experience that constitutes the chest, throat, diaphragm, facial expression and mouth. Children’s play that involves giggling, is whispery, or loud indicates that the voice forms part of their bodily experiences (Anyon 1980). Table 3: Teachers observations telling the kids to be quiet. By child gender (Anyon 1980). The research results show that the disciplining of the voices of the children in the preschools is gendered. Girls were observed to be quieter or to repeat a request in a nicer and quieter voice more than three times as compared to the boys (Bowles & Herbert 1976). Boys were observed to play more noisily and were found to be doing the things the teacher dislike. Bodily Instructions The teachers provide several instructions to the children about how to handle their bodies. Of all the explicit bodily traits/ instructions, about 65% were recorded for the male children, 26% of the girls and the remaining percentage of the mixed groups (See Table 4) (Willis 1977). This means that the boys bodies are being exposed to more disciplinary actions as compared to the girls bodies. Different types of questions and the gendered response of the children. Boys obeyed the bodily instructions about 48% times while girls obeyed 80% times (see Table 4). Some boys were stubborn, and the teachers had to repeat the instructions. Girls mostly stopped doing the action after the first instructions (Birdwhistell 1970). It was also observed that the boys were occasionally given loud reprimands to conform (shouting). Such patterns of response are taken as a way of punishment. The harsh methods were demonstrated repeatedly to reinforce aggression and other kinds of disruptive characteristics (Anyon 1980). Table 4: Teachers observations providing bodily instructions to the kids (Anyon 1980). Teachers-Children Physical interactions The teachers also directed the children physically. For instance, teachers sometimes had to hold the kids to prevent them from running, tapped them to face a certain direction or to make them pay attention. The teachers also had to turn their faces to a specific child to make the child listen to what is being said. For all the physical contacts made between the teachers and the children, ¼ were meant to control the children physicality (Connell 2005). Further, 94% of physical contacts were directed to the children. The interactions were categorised into three: negative, positive and neutral. An interaction was named positive if it was helpful, comforting, gentle or playful. A negative interaction meant it was assertive, disciplining, not liked by the child or restraining. Neutral interaction meant little content, for example, legs getting into contact while the teacher are offering instructions, shoulders getting into contact during circle. In almost half of the contacts made, the results were positive for both boys and girls (Anyon 1980). For example, the half of the contacts were made while the teacher is wiping away a child’s tears, tickling a child, if a child got on a teacher’s lap or held the teacher’s hands, etc. For the female children, the remainder 15% that were instructing or disciplining the body and about 1/3 were neutral. In case of boys, the opposite was true (Birdwhistell 1970). Only 4% of the interactions with the boys were neutral, 35% were negative (see Table 5) Table 5: Teacher-children physical interaction observations by child gender (Birdwhistell 1970). Table 6. Observations of Physical Interactions among Children, by Gender of Children: Five Preschool (Birdwhistell 1970).. Classrooms Conclusion Sometimes the kids reject their bodies being gendered. Boys have been observed in certain circumstances dressing in women clothing. Girls have also been monitored playing masculine games. Girls tried to be loud alongside the boys in the running and throwing activities. The research observations over gender resistance indicate that the gendered physicality are not really natural. The gendered physicality are also not straightforwardly and easily acquired. The research has successfully showed how the educational facilities facilitate and influence children’s acquisition of gender. Girls, Men, women and Boys, fill the social gap through their bodies in diversified ways. The daily movements people make, gestures and postures are all gendered. These bodily differences promote the seeming sexual and reproductive naturalness differences that then build the inequality between the women and men. The research has further successfully indicated that the educational institutions genderism the children through gendered social institution environments and their practices. Works Cited Anyon, Jean, (1980) Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum of Work. Journal of Education 162:67-92. Birdwhistell, Ray, (1970), Kinesics and Contexts. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis, (1976) Schooling in Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books. Connell, R. W, (2005) Masculinities. Second. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Eckert, Penelope, (1989), Jocks and Burnouts: Social Categories and Identity in the High School. New York: Teachers College Press. Eckert, Penelope, (1997), Gender, Race and Class in the Preadolescent Marketplace of Identities. In 96th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association. Washington DC. Fischer, Claude, (1992), America Calling: A Social History of the Telephone to 1940. Berkeley: University of California Press. Jenkins, Henry, (1998), Complete Freedom of Movement: Video Games as Gendered Play Spaces. In From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender and Computer Games, ed. Turner, Bryan S, (1984), The Body and Society: Explorations in Social Theory. New York: Basil Blackwell. Thorne, Barrie, (2008), The Chinese Girls” and “The Pokéemon Kids”: Children Negotiating Differences in Urban California. In J. Cole & D. Durham, eds. Figuring the Future: Globalization and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. Sante Fe, NM: SAR Press, pp. 73–97. Wajcman, Judy, (2007), From Women and Technology to Gendered Technoscience. Information, Communication & Society 10 (3) (June): 287-298. Willis, Paul, (1977), Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. New York: Columbia University Press. Read More