Education. What issues can arise during 'transition' - Essay Example

?What issues can arise during ‘transition’? Introduction Transition from one level of education to another can be difficult for learners, especially young learners. Young learners, especially those in their primary school years often go through major issues during their transition to secondary school. The difficulties are based on mental growth development and educational curriculum demands which calls for young learners to make the transition, or else be left behind in the educational system. For most young learners, the transition difficulties are only seen during the first few days or weeks of the school year, however, for others, the difficulties may persist throughout the school year. There are different issues encountered during the period of transition for students and these issues shall be discussed in this paper. The transition focused on would mostly be on the transition from primary to secondary school in the UK. Possible suggestions on how the transition may be eased would also be discussed in this text in order to provide some clarity and recommendations based on the issues noted for transitioning learners. Body Transition, as was mentioned above refers to the child’s move and adjustment period from primary to secondary schools. The transition process here also includes not just the transition of students from primary to secondary school, but any other transitions these children may make which eventually causes a change in venue (change schools), including transfers to different schools due to family moving from one home to another. The transfers may also be attributed to a family death or parental divorce/separation. Various studies have been carried out on the issues encountered during the transition process (Graham and Hill, 2002; Galton, Gray and Ruddock, 2000). Reviewing studies on the subject matter has revealed various themes or issues during such transition period. Alston, Sammons, and Mortimore (1985) carried out a longitudinal study for children from 50 primary schools in the London area, assessing the transition experiences of the children. About 1600 students were evaluated for their study, evaluating their attitudes, behaviour, attendance before and during their transition period to secondary school. The study revealed that most of the students transitioned well into secondary school and had favourable attitudes towards secondary school (Alston, et.al., 1985). Most of them were also pleased with their work in their new school. Admittedly, most of the students initially had reservations about secondary school, however, most of them gradually settled well into their classes and were actually happier than was expected for transitioning students. This study however has contrasting results with the Fouracre (1993) study which indicates the presence of a discontinuity between primary and secondary school as teachers often underestimate the abilities of their pupils. There also seems to be a mismatch between the student’s expectations of the work in secondary school and their actual experiences in the classroom (Fouracre, 1993). One of the issues encountered during transition are elements relating to social class. Studies reveal that those belonging to the lower income communities are likely to have trouble transitioning into the secondary school system (Keating and Hetzman, 1999). Socioeconomic status as well as parental social class has a huge role during the transition period as students with lower social status likely to have trouble transitioning and eventually leave the educational system early (Ferguson, Tilleczek, Boydell, Rummens, Cote, & Roth-Edney, 2005). As discussed by Keating and Hetzman (1999), there is less extracurricular participation among these students, as well as limited school personnel support for these students. Some of them also increasingly experience daily hassles from school personnel (Keating and Hetzman, 1999). It was also established by McGee, Ward, Gibbons, and Harlowe (2003) that children having higher socioeconomic status had more confidence in class and was likely to perform better in school. Social class in some ways has a negative impact on school outcomes, including school transitions. As observed from the experiences of young learners, this impact is founded on structures, treatment of poor students in poorer schools, in relation to other more privileged students in privileged schools. The resilience of students from lower income communities however has also to be commended, especially as some students may be more driven to overcome their financial limitations and actually perform better in school (Tilleczek and Ferguson, 2007). Unfortunately, this is more the exception than the rule. In relation to economic status, minority group status can also have unfortunate effects on the transition of the student from primary to secondary school. Research establishes that those belonging to minority groups (ethnic, country of origin, sexual orientation, and language) are likely to encounter major issues during transition (Dei, Mazzuca, McIsaac, & Zine, 1997; McMillian and Marks, 2003). The Ferguson, et.al., study (2005) also focused on the specific social and economic statistics from young learners whose status as minorities is attributed to their identification as visible minorities, newcomers, and secondary English learners. Most of these qualities have distinct qualities of risk including protective elements for difficult transitions. As reported by Graham and Hill (2003) differences in coping with transition to high school based on ethnicity were observed in the UK. More whites (66%) than Asian (50%) students and those from other ethnic groups (60%) indicated how they felt more settled following their transition. In the New Zealand context, the transition for Maori students have proven to be more difficult, most of them showing poor grades and opting to leave school early. The basis for early leaving and poor transition seems to be based on the lack of support mechanisms for the different cultures, especially the minorities. For minorities coming from lower economic settings, the transition was doubly hard and very poor (Tilleczek and Ferguson, 2007). Gender also seems to have an impact on the transition process. Once again, the study by the Ferguson, et.al., (2005) indicated how young men and women basically have different levels as well as processes in their learning and engagement. They also engage or sometimes leave the educational system for various reasons and experiences in the daily school system. The young female learners often manifest different attitudes towards learning when compared with boys (McGee, et.al., 2003). Their adjustment processes are also different as girls are more likely to go through depression, are likely to feel vulnerable, and experience less self-esteem (McGee, et.al., 2003). Early maturing girls are also likely to experience declines in their self-esteem (Lord, Eccles, & McCarthy, 1994). For boys, self-esteem seems to increase with time, while girl’s self-esteem shifted towards the opposite direction. Some girls are also likely to be affected emotionally by positive teacher-student relations, and are likely to develop better attitudes when such relationship is also positive (Ferguson and Barry, 1998). Transition issues also seem to affect boys mostly on their mathematics grades and they were more likely to manifest less depression, but manifest more disruptive behaviour (Hirsch and Rapkin, 1987). These gender differences in academic performance, including adjustment qualities, and experiences of transition call for more research and attention. Issues in transition may also be attributed to the students’ family, friends, and peers. Parents are often concerned about their child’s transition to secondary school, some of them believing that the schools their children are in do not have the necessary academic rigour to get them through the challenges of secondary school. Lord, et.al., (1994) established that parents often specifically focus on performance to determine their child’s transition to secondary school. In effect, where parents believe that their child is performing well in school they also believe that their child is transitioning well. However, the family’s involvement in the transition can sometimes go beyond academic concerns. The involvement of the family due to parental divorce or separation may also impact on the transition process, especially where the children are prompted to move away from their friends. Family support has been associated with student achievements (Pushor, 2007). McGee, et.al., (2003) discusses various studies which have indicated how parental actions can help ensure the transitional success of students. These actions include the presence of books and a study area; securing rules on TV viewing; frequent homework checks; discussion of homework with children; taking part in parent-teacher groups; monitoring of the child’s social life; monitoring of child’s academic performance; knowledge of school structures; allocation of time, energy, and money for necessary resources (McGee, et.al., 2003). Where these elements are not observed for some parents, the transition for their children may be more difficult. There is a need for parents to attend meetings with the teachers in order to discuss issues in their child’s transition and to simply check on their child’s progress in school (Nicholls and Gardner, 1999). Some parents are easily able to comply with the demands of having a child in school, however, the parent’s involvement may not necessarily also lead to favourable student outcomes. The more important contribution which the parent can give to their child’s education mostly lies in their support of their child’s autonomy. As their child is able to gain more independence in school, they are also more adjusted as students and are likely to develop better self-esteem. In most cases, there is lesser self-consciousness and better self-concept on the part of the student where their autonomy as students has been nurtured by their parents. For young learners who expressed limited opportunities to manifest and express their own preferences and opinions were more likely to be better attuned to themselves and were less likely to fare poorly during periods of adjustments (Lord, et.al., 1994). Same age friendships were also mutually helpful development factors for transitioning students (Eccles, and Midgley, 1993). Friends help each other during the transition process (Pietraninen, 2000). For friends and peers who often share goals in relation to academic achievement, transition seems to be less of a challenge. However, elements like isolation and peer rejection have been observed as negative elements to easy transitions in school (Tur-Kaspa, 2002). As students transition into secondary school, they start to go through peer group relations which are not so much based on academic concerns, and more based on gaining the respect of each other (Pietarinen, 2000). Most students understand that friends they can work well with academically are also the persons who can help them cope with the transition period (Galton, et.al., 2003). There is a need therefore for teachers to understand and recognize the role of peer support in the learning process and consider efforts to legitimize it. In an assessment of the meanings and friendships among students, it was established that the size and group dynamics of elementary schools often had a remarkable impact on friendships and experiences of transition for young students (Alerby, 2003). For instance, rural schools mostly included students with good social integration when compared to large urban schools which were more socially disconnected. Collective activities were common in smaller schools and students often worked out issues independently. Play and related activities were often selected based on their gender and age inclusiveness (Kvalsund, 2000). For larger urban schools, there were age and gender divisions in their play and socialization. In some activities, such segregations were also observed. Under these conditions, the primary schools often predicted the social logic and trends, including the way resources in the school would be structured. In considering the different risk factors related to transitions to secondary school, it is important to evaluate the specific development elements needed during the adolescent years (Alexander, 2010). In relation to social class, minority status, gender, and cultural experiences, these adolescents transition by securing identities based on their families, friends, and community members. A primary goal is to establish a strong sense of self and to be involved in identity formation actively (Eccles and Harold, 1993). Securing autonomy requires clearing through physical cognitive, as well as social structures (Lerner, 2006). Other personal coping tools which assist in managing the negative impact of stress include a strong sense of autonomy, competence, as well as confidence (Lord, et.al., 1994). Worry, anxiety, and low self-esteem on the other hand are negative qualities which may affect the transition process for students. The specific experiences and stories of these young learners are very much linked with the culture of the school and the youths themselves (Bartlett and Burton, 2007). For instance, adolescents having special needs and learning delays have been considered high risk individuals in terms of transition as compared to other students not having learning disabilities (Tur-Kaspa, 2002). Most of the time, these students do not socialize well as compared to other students; they are also less able to work well with other students and with their teachers. As a result, these students are often socially ostracized during their transition periods. The Ferguson, et.al., study (2005) indicated the different externalizing and internalizing mental health problems which students in the secondary levels are often grappling with. For those who are disengaged, various challenges were seen for the students and teachers. Mental health issues can also be worsened when family and clinical interviews are included in the assessment process (Wallis and Barrett, 1998). Moreover, the transition stage can also worsen these mental health problems especially as the learners are often forced to revisit their existing behavioural issues and challenges. The transition period in other words can worsen the depressed state of some students which can then cause unfavourable disengagement as well as negative self-regulation (Rudolph, 2001). Tension as well as stresses in school can negatively affect the transition process, especially in terms of securing their identity within the learning process (Galton, et.al., 2003). Identity patterns were seen to be difficult to discard once they are developed. Students express about the desire to shift from less serious to serious learners, but sometimes do not know how. Some of these students even declared that they were more inclined to mess around in the classroom, often unable to escape their peer groups who dictated their classroom habits. These students also discussed issues relating to labelling which are often seen as teachers observed them in different identity patterns. They also discovered how disengagement can sometimes be managed where they could find other individuals who can acknowledge and support their strengths. Anti-work labels are easier to adjust during the primary school years and most changes manifest with time (Galton, et.al., 2003). Students require more time in school in order to discuss these issues, talk about their difficulties, and secure small goals in order to guarantee success. Demetriou, Goalen and Rudduck, (2000) indicated the goals relating to identity and engagement. These goals are at their peaks as social novelties when new schools are encountered. Learning can sometimes be overwhelmed by the student’s social engagement. Following adjustment, having good grades later becomes the next goal. The transition process itself can be considered as the point where youth development can support the identity growth. The development of self in some cases is sometimes overwhelmed by risk and anxiety and this anxiety may not necessarily be bad for the student (Lucey and Reay, 2000). Social risks among adolescents are sometimes perceived differently based on age and gender, but considered as possible moments where potential can be built (Tilleczek and Hine, 2006). However, there is some anxiety and risk which can be considered counterproductive for some students. Where these students feel lost and where they have various mental health issues, greater support is necessary (Lucey and Reay, 2000). The mental health issues would likely impact negatively on the students and their ability to cope with their general transition into secondary school. Aside from the above issues encountered during transition, there may also be school-related factors which also have a negative impact on the transition process. The link between the lives of young people as well as their schools is often seen in their academic achievements. Even if it is not the primary goal, academic achievement is the most used tool in assessing successful transitions. Students who find it most difficult to transition are those who are often not well-prepared and often times, decrease in school grades can complicate the process of transition (Anderson, Jacobs, Schramm, & Splittberg, 2000). For global studies evaluating the impact of transitions, there seems to be a significant agreement on the presence of declines in achievements following the transition process (Capel, Zwozdiak-Myers, & Lawrence, 2004). Galton, et.al., (2003) also indicate that there is a need to address these gaps in achievement, including its outcomes. Nicholls and Gardner (1999) for instance indicate how gaps in the progress between primary and secondary school may be associated with the changes in school culture, the limited acknowledgement of student achievements in primary school, and the different feeder schools from where students are often evaluated. As was already discussed previously, parents and students often concentrate of securing academic progress and the different elements which impact on these outcomes. It is important also to focus on elementary and secondary school cultures, assessing factors which can further impact on the academic and social developments for the different transitions. School structures, curriculum, and student-teacher interactions are the primary focus under these conditions. Of note, it has been seen that transition is based on what students transition from (Kvaslund, 2000) and there is a need to focus on elementary schools in the same way as the transitions in the secondary school system. Those in the elementary system are often anxious before their transition about making it to school on time, finding their lockers, managing bullying, safety, and dealing with crowds (Anderson, et.al., 2000). The elements and quality of these primary schools is therefore a crucial element in understanding the transition process. Although it is not on a large scale, longitudinal studies have been seen based on data from the US which indicates how children in the Kindergarten to 8th grade (K-8) schools often perform better when compared to those in middle school. The K-8 institutions are becoming more popular in the US and in some cases have replaced middle school (Pardini, 2002). In effect, the primary-secondary K-8 split is the best system which can help improve self-esteem, GPAs, extracurricular activities, as well as independence (Eccles and Harold, 1993). Moreover, the structures often consider single transitions to be the better recourse in order to decrease stress among learners (Eccles and Harold, 1993). Those in the K-8 program were sometimes seen to experience less decrease in their academic performance. Alspaugh (1998) also established a link between the number of transitions by the student and the possibility that the student may choose to drop out of school. Lower rates were seen for those who left early, mostly in districts with Kindergarten to 6th grade (K-6) and 7th-12th grade (7-12) schools. Suggestions have been made on grouping children together during kindergarten and keep such group together, allowing bonding and friendship to unfold and for such friendship to serve as support during the years of transition. Studies indicate how the qualities of middle school largely affect student outcomes. Kvaslund (2000) has indicated how primary schools manage students with different social and academic background. Students coming from the smaller schools also have different social support coming from the older students and the classmates. Those which highlight the development issues of younger individuals in smaller class sizes perform rather well. These schools have been considered the elemiddle schools (Pardini, 2002). The teacher beliefs mostly have a major impact during role transitions. In general, the primary school teachers were seen to have a more favourable image for students who also had more trust and who have less control in terms of their discipline as compared to secondary school teachers (Midgley, Feldlaufer, Eccles, 1987). Galton, et.al., (2003) established that more favourable primary schools had about half a year level progress in transition as compared to other less effective processes. In fact, these schools were seeking to ensure the transition to secondary school by making rotary systems and trying out content-supported applications well into middle school. However, the study also indicated that the progress of students with their math and reading must also be considered. For instance, the grouping of students into four groups yielded about 40% of students having equal-sized steps with each year. The analysis by Galton, et.al., (2003) established that in reading, the students who had equal-sized routes were likely to be more successful. Differences were more significant for the math results. Students at a decreasing path had two different levels of progress and others who had growing routes seemed to have trouble transitioning. In considering the two subjects, researchers understand that there is support relating to pupils securing a more balanced academic progress which does not seek to compensate for the slow start. In effect, the effective primary schools are involved in monitoring the academic progress of students and in indicating solid transition hopes which support curriculum as well as assessment. The primary stage of the transition process is important in securing the social and academic progression of students, ensuring a favoured opportunity to support fresh starts and success (Burrell and Bob, 2000). With these young individuals sometimes persisting in nested transitions, they also work towards their new school dwellings in order to secure opportunities, familiarities, as well as continuities. The moment of discussion between the primary and secondary schools is therefore very much crucial in ensuring successful transitions. The idea of a direction and trajectory through secondary school is significant, but not required, especially as the new school indicates new effects relating to student pathways (Dauber, Alexander, Entwisle, 1996). Following the transition process, students submit their reports on the courses, indicating difficulties, with teachers being more strict, and making friends a more challenging process (Anderson, et.al., 2000). Secondary schools have been considered as bigger environs, more diverse, less tolerant, more pervasive in their rules, less personal, and more focused on student ability (Anderson, et.al., 2000). There is a focus on the group of environment issues which prevent schools from managing development issues of the youth (Eccles and Harold, 1993), including classroom behaviour, ethos, ability grouping, motivations, and quality of teacher-student interactions. The high schools are also more likely to highlight control and discipline, not focusing on opportunities relating to decision-making. More time is therefore allocated to securing order. The intermediate elementary students were able to exert control with their work as compared to the secondary students (Kvusland, 2000). In effect, the match between adolescent seeking autonomy and their idea relating to the extent to which school allowed it to the parties involved, is reduced during the school transition. Decreased levels of cognitive engagement for class work have been seen in secondary schools. Various studies have indicated much disillusionment with the limited academic challenge seen during early secondary school years (McDonald and Marsh, 2004; McGee, et.al., 2003). In one study, students submitted less quality of work to ensure the deadlines are met, understanding that the amount of work increased, and as a result, there is less control in the learning process. Eccles and Midgley (1993) discussed how lower level academic learning for those having fewer academic demands on students, especially as the children are also already gaining much cognitively. Continuity in the curriculum and the coherence of the subjects is still an issue during transition. McGee, et.al., (2003) indicate that there are still significant gaps in terms of subject matter discussed, including issues in the expectations of the students, as well as gaps in teaching practices. Problems in pedagogical as well as assessment shifts during secondary school are also vital. The shifts in secondary school are also leaning towards child-centred processes to teacher-centred classes (Fabian, 2007). Students also perform well in determining the major changes in school activities, including teaching and social activities which are included in the shift towards secondary school (Pietarinen, 2000. In general, teachers have been perceived as boring and very much different. During secondary school, the main focus in the learning process goes through a shift in practical and easier processes (Dauber, et.al., 1996). Teachers are also pressured to consider strategies which can be applied in the classroom which would highlight mastery and improvement (Midgley, et.al., 1998). The student-teacher relations in secondary school are also less personal, less caring, and less supportive (Sanders, White, Burge, Sharp, Eames, McEune, & Grayson, 2005). Teachers believe that they may not also be as effective, especially with students not doing well academically. As a result, the transition process for students may be more difficult. Students are expected to function independently in secondary school. For those with inadequate coping skills and poor autonomy in their lessons, the transition process would be the greatest burden on them. Conclusion The discussion above indicates the difficulties encountered by students transitioning from primary to secondary school. For these students, the transition process can be difficult and can sometimes make a major difference on them staying or leaving school. Issues in transition involved numerous factors including those referring to cultural, economic, and gender factors. Cultural and economic factors impact mostly on those from cultural minorities and those having low economic status especially as studies indicate how these students find the transition process more difficult. Students who also have less independence and autonomy in their actions and their academic performance are also more likely to find the transition process more challenging. In order to address these issues, the solutions applied must focus on ensuring student independence during primary school, as well as curriculum changes which would accommodate diverse qualities from students. In general, one size does not fit all, and in the educational system, acknowledging this mantra would help ensure the best outcomes for transitioning students. References Alerby, E., 2003. During the break we have fun: a study concerning pupils’ experience of school in Educational Research, 45(1), pp17–28 Alexander, R., 2010. Children, their World, their Education. Final recommendations of the Cambridge Primary Review. London: Routledge Alspaugh, J., 1998. The Relationship of School-to-School Transitions and School Size to High School Dropout Rates. High School Journal, 81(3), p. 154. 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