Sociology of Childhood and Youth - Essay Example

Sociology of Childhood and Youth The examination of the impact of social changes to the youth transition has to begin by the assumption that the stereotypes of behaviour tend to be alternated constantly and as a result the impact of the political, economic and social environment to the lives of young people is differentiated in accordance with the conditions and the views that dominate a specific area. The role of social changes to the youth and the adulthood was very important in the post 1970s period. The sector which was more affected by the social changes during this period was the employment. It should be noticed that the standardisation of employment was an achievement of the post 1945 period which was characterized by high growth. However, the globalisation (which followed that period and is constantly developing until today) has led to the deregulation of the labour market and as a result to the collapse of standard (and of teenage) employment (Burgess & Campbell, 1998:15). It should be noticed though that the youth transition of the post 1970s period involved to more elements than employment, like family and education. The results of relevant studies have shown that there is also a differentiation regarding the gender and the social ‘classification’ as well as the general environment of the young people. Under these terms, the main question is not whether the youth transition is faulty or not but if the environment of young people has the necessary willing to understand the constantly changing social conditions and to cooperate with them in order to achieve a more integrated adaptation in the society. The content of social change has been examined by an important number of researchers. The relevant studies have shown that ‘individualisation’ is the most important of its elements. Individualisation has been explained as ‘a process that relates to the disintegration of traditional structures in people’s lives so the inherited recipes for living and role stereotypes fail to function’. Moreover, according to this view ‘there are no historical models for the conduct of life’ (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002:26). Ball et all. (2000) examine the impact of ‘individualism’ specifically to young people. According to their study, ‘young people are ‘forced’ to make active choices and to forge new identities within consumer cultures, which, for many, provide stronger resources of identity than occupational status’. Furthermore, Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002:23, stated the theory of ‘choice biographies’ according to which ‘Individuals become actors, builders, jugglers, state managers of their own biographies and identities and also of their social links and networks’. However, individualism is not the only element that can influence the youth transition. It seems that gender is playing a leading role and sometimes the lack of equality (from the aspect of the difficulties faced during the period of transition) is much more higher among women mainly in societies which could be characterized as structured ‘in favour’ of the men. When comparing the youth transition from the aspect of the gender of the young people it is clear that there are differences to the consequences of the youth transition between men and women and this can be explained by the fact that the role and the behaviour of women has been differentiated comparing to the past. First of all, ‘various changes in legislation and national policies have improved women’s education and employment opportunities, and wages’. (ABS, 1999; Goleman, 19980. As an example, workplaces ‘became more family oriented to a limited extent, with the introduction of innovations such as maternity leave (1979) then the parental leave (in 1994) which gave fathers the same amount of unpaid leave as mothers, workers with family responsibilities’ (Weston, Stanton, Qu & Soriano, 2001: 125). According to McDonald (2000) uncertainties about the future may lead some people to ‘err on the side of caution’ when making decisions about having children. In this context trends in sense of job insecurity are particularly relevant’. This view can also explain the fact that women are delaying parenthood. This reality can also be observed in countries where ‘educational and work opportunities for women are similar to those for men, but are seriously diminished for women if they have a child, then – women will have fewer children than otherwise’ (Weston & Qu, 2001:11). Although there are signs of changes in the equality in education and employment, according to Chisholm & Bois-Reymond (1993:273), ‘youth transitions are not losing their gendered specific normal biographies in their implications for adult life’. However, ‘regardless of what individual girls and women may be able to negotiate and achieve for themselves in work and family life, the collective patterns of girls and women’s lives remain sharply different from those of boys and men’ (Drew et al., 1998). Another very important element that can cause changes and differentiations to the youth transition is social class. When examining youth transition from the aspect of social class, the consequences seem to be the same for the young people of both genders. A research made in Australia among young people that were ‘school non-completers’ found that ‘while girls from working class backgrounds had improved their educational participation significantly during the 1980s, there was still a strong link between class, school leaving and high levels of unemployment even for girls’. On the other hand, the ‘situation of males was much more structurally determined and the main characteristic of the situation was that ‘school dropouts continue to be drawn more heavily from lower socioeconomic groups’ (Lamb 1994:216, Heggen & Dwyer, 1998:272). According to Plug 92003:128-129) ‘the social background of youngsters is an important indicator for differences in educational careers. Social class is not only connected to the choice of secondary education, but also to the level of education that is eventually reached. Youths from middle social classes, on the other hand, strive to maintain or heighten their social position. These youths tend to have a clear focus on obtaining good qualifications and a good job, which implies a relatively extended youth phase with limited room for experimentation. As for the higher class youths, the youth phase is an autonomous phase, which does not necessarily anticipated adulthood. To them, youth is an extended phase for experimentation, which is defined in terms of individual development’. The interpretation of the meaning and the structure of ‘transitions’ has been under examination and research for many years. There were efforts done in order to define the particular meaning and the content of the above term. According to the most acceptable views the ‘transition events focus on finishing education, entering the labour force, establishing a household, marriage and parenthood. These are characterized as ‘social’ or ‘role’ transitions’ (Buchmann, 1989, Chisholm & du Bois Reymond, 1993). As for the youth transitions specifically, these have been described in many different ways in accordance with the country of residence and the culture that has been developed in a certain area. Under this context there are many terms which describe the youth transitions: ‘generation on hold’ and ‘arrested adulthood’ for the description of young Canadians’ transitions (Cote 2000). Also the term ‘post-adolescence’ (United Kingdom) and ‘over-aged young adults’ (Netherlands). In Canada and Australia it is most common to use the term ‘extended transitions’ (Dwyer and Wyn 2001, Wyn, 2004:1). The meaning of youth transition could be possibly extracted from the content of ‘transition to adulthood’ which ‘implies that there is a beginning and an end, a moving from one state to another, from relative dependence to relative independence. This term can be described more effectively by using the events that are connected with the adult life, i.e. major spheres of social life, including events such as education, work, family, culture and political participation’ (Chisholm & Hurrelmann, 1995). The above ‘meaning’ of youth transition as a theoretical approach is clearly different from the ‘experience’ of youth transition which is referred to the specific events that are related with the entrance of the young person to the ‘society of adults’ which (events) can be viewed and experienced in a different level in accordance with certain parameters related with each particular young person (age, gender, social class, education etc.). Moreover, the term ‘young adult’ is used ‘to express the uncertainty and the fundamental changes in the structure and agency of transitions: young people who no longer can be referred to as ‘youth’ but at the same time have not yet achieved the social status of adults in a traditional sense (i.e. regular employment and their own family)’ (Walther, 2000) The ways that young people experience the youth transition are changing constantly. On the other hand, the existence of certain variables can ‘pressure’ the entrance of young people to the ‘adult life’. As an example, ‘entry into employment at a young age or part-time employment during adolescence can enhance adulthood’ (Mihalic & Elliott, 1997). Thiessen & Looker (1999) found that ‘young people’s subjective approach to adulthood was largely based on issues of labour market establishment and family formation’. Furthermore, they suggested that ‘single transitions may be sufficient for attaining adulthood’. In this context, ‘existential transitions can be characterized by the ways in which the individual becomes accustomed with and accepts demands or expectations from the surrounding society and matures’ (Hutson & Jenkins, 1989:100). Moreover, as Westburg (2004:40) accepted young people are expected ‘to learn, or at least be acquainted with, the preferred behaviour in advance of, and not through the role transition’. The procedure of youth transition – as mentioned above - can be interrupted or accelerated under the influence of a number of factors. Relevant studies have ‘assumed a predetermined and linear sequence of events and transformations that are no longer applicable to the lives of many young people. As an example, the once straightforward transition from school to work is now interrupted by a variety of vocational training schemes, part-time work, education and periods of sub-employment and unemployment (Hollands, 1990, 1998). To the same context, household transitions have also changed and many more young people prefer to stay longer in the family home (Irwin, 1995) or ‘returning home after the initial leaving period’ (Jones, 1995). A research which was based on data from the Swedish Board of Youth Affairs ‘containing 3200 respondents aged 16-29, showed that young people have completed role transitions assigned less value to them of adult status’. On the other hand, become a parent is a role transition that is given great importance and is also in relation to the issue of responsibility (Westburg, 2003:34). In order to examine the strategies of young adults of ‘staging and presenting themselves’, a series of semi-structured biographical interviews have been conducted in 1988 and 1997 among 85 youngsters who were asked to reflect upon youth and adulthood. On the question with what goals in life adulthood is associated, the following categories were given as an answer: family, work and family, independence and ‘individual development’. It should be noticed here that ‘lower-class girls are most likely to associate adulthood with starting a family’ and ‘higher-class boys perceive adulthood primarily in terms of individual development’. On the other hand ‘both lower-class boys and middle-class boys and girls tend to associate adulthood with having a job and starting a family as well as with gaining independence’. Furthermore, ‘females from lower social classes are inclined to connect adulthood to family life and continue to do so over the years, which points to a relatively stable standard biographical perspective on youth and adulthood’. As for the middle-class males and females, they ‘connect adulthood primarily to independence, often in conjunction with employment and family life’. The above results show that although there are differences in some points regarding the issue of adulthood and how the young people define it in terms of real life, all the elements involved (as answers) are common. The major difference seems to be the priority that each young person has set to his/ her life (in accordance with the gender, the social class and the education). The globalisation which characterized the years followed the 1960’s, was the beginning for severe social, economic and political changes which were followed from alterations to all the aspects of everyday life including family, education and employment. Under this context, the ‘survival in the labour market became much more difficult, the qualifications held lost a significant part of their importance and the participation of women in the workforce was imposed as inevitable’ (Chisholm & Bois-Reymond). Social changes have influence to a high degree the personal life of young people but also of the adults. The most important sectors that have been suffered from such an interaction – as already stated - are the family, the education and the employment. All three are been closely connected as they serve similar purposes. However, when been examined for the resolution of problems like the one which is examined in the current paper, it has to be noticed that is preferable to mention the particular elements of each sector in order to decide more clear for the role and the importance of its one of them. Another point that should be highlighted is that the above sectors do not operate separately but they have common point of reference and common ‘receiver’ of the benefit gained / or of the damage caused. It should be taken into account however that sometimes it is difficult – even impossible – to examine each of these sectors separately. It is usually the simultaneous operation and controlling of all three that can secure an integrated ‘image’ of the current situation. Another aspect is that sometimes the parties involved have to change roles in order to face more effectively a situation. Kelly (2003:166) suggests that ‘young people may switch between youth and adult roles according to particular activities or arena which they find themselves’. Beginning with the role of the family to the youth transitions, a first point of examination should be the definition of youth and the description of its particular elements (to the point that such a task is feasible). According to Freeland (1996) ‘Youth is a stage of life between childhood and adulthood’ (Kelly, 2003:171). And as it is explained ‘youth is principally about ‘becoming’, i.e. becoming an adult, citizen, mature, responsible, self-governing’. In this context, a person’s family has the role to help this ‘transition’ from the one level to another by securing the existence and the operation of all the necessary requirements towards this aim. Towards that direction, the family can provide the education and the materials that are necessary for the physical and mental development of the person. A severe problem that can appear during this procedure is the absence of the specific means for the achievement of this goal, or the existence of circumstances of turbulence that can create barriers to a person’s life even to cause problems that can last for a long-term period. At a first level, the main role of the family is to provide the environment in which the young person will have the possibility to concentrate on his/ her future without the interference of conditions that can cause severe pressure. In these terms there are occasions when the materials provided to a young person could be characterized as more than sufficient for their purpose. However, the necessary advice and support are absent and as a result the specific person can be lead to important mistakes regarding his/ her decisions for personal development or his/ her reactions to a specific situation. It should be noticed however that the absence of such a support could not lead to the characterization of the youth transition as faulty but just to the assumption that sometimes there is not the sufficient understanding of the environment regarding the important and difficult social and financial turbulences that a young person has to face when entering into the society. Another problem connected to the above situation is that today most people delay their marriage and others decide not to get married. A research made by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 2000a) showed that ‘the total fertility rate has reached an all-time low (1.75 births per women through her lifetime) and is well below replacement levels (2.1 births)’. Merlo & Rowland (2000) find that ‘one in five women who are currently in their early child bearing years will not have children’ (Weston & Qu, 2001:10). According to Cohen (1999:156) the reasons of this falls in fertility can be found in the ‘increasing education and labour force participation of women, the rise in the average of the first marriage and at first birth, the changing social attitudes and the increasing housing cost’. As for the form of the youth transition as it can be observed through the family, the most common one is the moving from the parental home. Weston, Stanton, Qu & Soriano, 2001:23) studied the specific issue and found that ‘since the 1970s less children are leaving home and increasing number of young adults remained in the family home until they married. In general terms, the role of the family to the youth transition can be characterized as the most important comparing with all the other factors. The reason for that can be located to the long-term presence of the young person to the parental home, the creation of specific ‘models of behaviour’ and the creation of the most fundamental principles regarding the character and the whole attitude. As for the other elements of influence of the youth transition i.e. education and employment, it seems that the connection between them is very close. More specifically education is usually differentiated among young people in accordance with the social class and the financial strength of the family. As a result it seems that this is the stage where the youth transition faces the first difficulties. Employment, which follows is usually depended from a person’s educational background without this rule to be generated in an absolute level – there are examples of people that have a recognizable career without having a university’s degree. According to Beck (1993:140) ‘employment has traditionally played an important role in finding young people a place within their communities as financially independent ‘citizens’. Moreover, paid work provides not only an income and relative economy autonomy, but is also seen to assist in the process of ushering ‘the adolescent’ into ‘adult world’ of responsibility and inner stability’. However, it should be examined in each occasion whether the specific work was just a means for ‘transition into adult world’ or simply a ‘tool to survive’. From a first point of view – according to Bessant (1996:23), ‘paid employment has traditionally been understood as both financially necessary and morally imperative for guaranteeing a relatively smooth transition from adolescence to responsible adult status’. However, Bessant noticed that ‘in the context of post industrial society, work has been perceived as essential for assuring the successful socialization of young people into adult roles as citizens and workers’ A research made by the Australian Youth Centre at the University of Melbourne (Life-Pattern Study) tried to examine the transition process of young people who ‘left the secondary school in 1991 and more specifically the way that these people responded to a changing world from 1992 to the present’. (Dywer and Wyn 2001; Dywer et al. 2003, Wyn, 2004:3). The criteria for the above research were the education, the work and other ‘life patterns’. According to the findings of the above research ‘across the spectrum of life circumstances, young people’s attitudes and subjectivities reveal distinctive patterns that warrant further study because there have been radical changes to the typical experiences of young people’ (Furlong and Cartmel 1997:8). The above research showed furthermore (Wynn, 2004:4) that young people did not follow the most usual sequence from school to work but instead they chose more ‘complex, divergent and multilayered pathways’. There was also a ‘consistent pattern across both urban and rural areas for combining study and work’. According to the above research ‘more than 30 per cent of young people in both rural and urban settings combined both study and work all the time, and a further 25 per cent were studying and working most of the time, a result that presents a preference to mix study and work’. Moreover, there was ‘evidence that young people who are combining study and work see this as a way of learning to manage conflicting responsibilities and that they place a positive value on learning in non-school settings’ (Stokes, Wierenga and Wynn 2003, Wyn, 2004:4). On the other hand Wooden (1998:1) states that ‘early leavers have an apparent disadvantage’ towards the young people that continue their studies. And as a possible explanation it is stated that ‘for non-students, and especially early school leavers, the exposure of low-skilled, casual jobs rather than more training intensive jobs, may be problematic’. Moreover, according to Ainley (1998) ‘many graduates are ‘overqualified’ for the jobs they get’. The most common problems for the young people participated in the research seemed to be: ‘the difficulty they had in balancing commitments (63.5 per cent) and the work pressure (58 per cent) (Dwyer et al. 2003:14, Wyn, 2004:5). In this context, personal autonomy (and responsibility) is a high priority amongst youth. This is an assumption that supports the idea of ‘individualisation’. In any case, it seems that this idea has been cultivated to the people since their childhood. One of the most important problems of the youth transition is the unemployment which is a common phenomenon among young people. In fact unemployment seems to be much higher among youth than to older people. A research showed that unemployed young people (15-24 years) constitutes up to 38% of all unemployed in Australia’ (Dusseldorp Skill Forum, Bessant, 2000:16). In this context, it seems that ‘young people who are engaged in marginal activities are more likely to have parents who have an occupational that is unskilled and manual. As a result their futures are more likely to be constrained’ (McClelland, MacDonald & MacDonald, 1998:24). Regarding the negative consequences of the markets development to the employment area, a very important element seems to be the part-time work. On the other hand Robertson & Dawkins (1994) believe, that ‘new part-time and casual jobs are not necessarily ‘bad’ jobs but they would appear to be largely consistent with individual preferences (especially for teenagers still involving in full-time education). According to this assumption, these employment decisions are influenced by educational choices’. Conclusion One of the most important characteristics of the modern civilization is the radical developments that occur daily in the areas of science, politics and finance. In such an environment, the adaptation of the young people to the society (in all its aspects) seems to be a rather difficult task mainly when taking into account the fact that each particular generation has been offered a different level of education in accordance with the political conditions that characterize each period as well as the financial strength of each family. Despite the above influences, the youth transition continues its progression, young people enter the ‘adult world’ to all its aspects successfully, they manage to conquer the employment area by the high level of expertise knowledge and/ or their energy for intense work conditions and the above negative variables are finally just an element of ‘testing’ of their will for personal development. Read More