The definition of development as an important subject in social sciences has been evolving. This is in line with the technologic social and cultural advancements that provide the measurements for development (Rist, 1997). In ancient times, the development in most third world countries has been reversed or stagnant entirely. Rist says that development or progress should be a continuous process that seeks to improve the social and psychological aspects of all humans. However, the West has been advancing at the cost of the third world countries.
The west has thus switched from using the term underdeveloped countries to developing countries which “is an illusory promise of material prosperity for all (Rist, p. 238)” as some empirical studies into sub-Saharan African countries have shown. Traditionally, development policy and practice has been carried out with inclusion of anthropological and historical research. In recent times however, there has been a theoretical shifts in anthropology that have shifted attention to development initiatives and interventionist practices and programs (Mikkelsen, 2005).
Rist (1997) is opposed to the use of per capital income as the sole measure of development. He considers the West which has for along time measured development through the per capita income yardstick as “prisoners of development” (Rist, p. 245). Rist goes ahead and says that development is determined most not by what is in the head but by the practices that follow it. This has therefore given rise to close evaluation of development and development initiatives. In the same length, Schwandt (1997, p. 30) says that development through evaluation is a matter of enlightenment than instrumental change.
Rist (1997) argues that development is a pretext for globalization to imply that it is only business oriented with no core purpose of helping the recipient of development assistance (Nabben, 2009). Therefore, the research may adopt this definition that in third world countries globalization has not taken root entirely. Deviating from the contemporary view of third world countries, Nabben (2009) introduces the concept of majority world which will be explained later in the paper. Poverty is largely to blame for under development as purchasing power, demand and supply which drive expansion of markets and hence globalization are relatively weak in the majority world as according to champions of markets, “only market forces can address our many social and economic problems” (Bollier, p. 44). Borrowing from the British political scenarios, Bollier (2002) writes that Commons, in opposing markets theory argue that “certain human values cannot be advanced or respected by markets; only new (or revamped) institutions and cultural traditions can preserve them” (p. 44). The ideology of markets seemed to have failed in England and Wales in the 19th century where alleged improvement in farming methods by the specialized farmers saw 2250 people owning 50% of land and 0.
6% of the population owning 98.5% of the land. Could this be the situation in wealth distribution between the minority and the majority world? Wade (2009) indirectly answers this question by highlighting the situation in India in this paper “For Hire Indian Wombs.” He says millions survive on less than $2 a day and hence Western couples seeking surrogacy have found India to be a cheap destination. For the Indian women, this is a cheap route out of poverty and miserable living conditions and development for them while Mikkelsen (2005) views it as oppression of the poor namely patriarchy.
From this perspective, we see that the majority people or nations are poor with the minor being very wealthy thereby approving Nobben’s (2009) nomenclature of minority and majority world. Research in community development has over time transformed from traditional to more modern methods. Rubin (1995) writes that traditional or otherwise historically methods of community development relied on evaluations mainly adopted by NGO’s involved in development.
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