The 1989 Democracy Movement - Coursework Example

Running Head: The 1989 Democracy movement Name: University: Course: Tutor: Date: Table of contents Chapter One 1.0 Introduction 1.1: The historic movement 1.2 The reason for the protest Chapter Two 2.0 Analysis of the movement 2.1 The movement’s demands and how it began 2.2 The movement’s strategy 2.3 The government’s reactions and the movement’s honors for Hu 2.4 Media censorship on the movement by the government 2.5 The movement gains support locally and internationally 2.6 The government’s report after meeting with the students 2.7 Government criticized Chapter Three 3.0 Conclusion 3.1 Positive responses and the final breakthrough 1.0 Introduction 1.1 The historic movement Although Revolution superficially is only an event, but fundamentally it is a process, and therefore, with respect to the above, 1989 student democracy movement in the people’s Republic of China (PRC) was in a nut shell a revolutionary process that consolidated the wave of grievances that had been building up to the Tiananmen crackdown ever since the scars of the cultural revolution of 1966-1976 (Ong, & Nonini, 1997). The movement was historically important because it was a popular movement and it managed to get active support from all walks of Chinese life. This mass protest gave the government every reason to believe that its legitimacy was being questioned (Harding, 1993). The movement changed the democracy of China to what it is today. 1.2 The reason for the protest The protest was very well understood that throughout history of China, developing China usually meant threatening its social stability. For the first time, a generation of 1revolutionary rules of present day China knew that remembering the country’s past with clear apprehension, and therefore they held firmly to their rule while preventing any inkling of possible chaos; but against the hardened wall of the government’s entrenched bureaucracy a group of enthusiastic University students who felt they should play a leading role in correcting the problems that have continually spread throughout their country. They believed that if the country’s political structure had to change, it will only be attained if the long-awaited social and economic reforms were to be realized (Harding, 1993). Chapter two 2.0 Analysis of the movement 2.1 The movement’s demands and how it began Most of the students’ demands were aimed toward abstract goals which consisted of freedom and a general liberalization of the political system; consequently Western watchers were also very quick to note the idea of democracy that appeared in the students’ ideological platform. However, a closer look showed the students actually called for concrete changes, they demanded and end to bureaucratic corruption and the severe inflation, they also demanded more press freedom and freedom of assembly (Lau, 1982). At the outset of the movement, the students had a strategy of wanting to legitimize the popular movement as a legal entity, but perhaps the most fervent of demands by the students was in the really sense the government itself. The movement was evaluative, at the same time it blamed the government for extortion and bribery, and as a result it questioned the leaders of top parties’ government officials about their positions and, that of their family incomes. 2Prominent leaders like Deng Xiaoping and Lipeng, the vilified aging techno crafts, could no longer ameliorate the social and economic problems facing the country, as a result the conservative faction of the government saw the legitimacy of their authority at strike, the moderates and liberals saw the need and urgency to enact major reforms to correct social and economic woes. However, the government had a more fundamental concern about its own power and the role of the communist party as the vanguard of the revolution, because it feared that students posed a threat to all economic reforms and successes of the recent past, it s important to be understood that this was a great leap when compared to the failures of Mao Zedong and the cultural Revolution (Lau, 1982). The students protesters’ international watch fall friends like from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the Western world at large saw the movement as a chance for China to finally endow with the benefits of democracy and capitalism. As a result Deng led China to an optimistic future, sensing the need for an innovative economy and a more liberalized political environment (Ong, & Nonini, 1997). Although he did not have the power of directing such an inflexible regime towards political liberalization, there were even rumors that he was sick with cancer during most events. This leaves one to speculate who was really exactly in power at that time. The movement began following the death of Hu Yaobang, after his death on April 22, 1989; he was seen as a leader who tried to champion the cause of greater democracy in a country still withered by corruption, inflation and the undying regime of remnants from the mid-twentieth past. He was ready to effect the changes which the public believed China was ready until when he was dismissed from his post of General Secretary of the CPCCC (Ong, & Nonini, 1997). 2.2 The movement’s strategy However, what first appeared to be a shallow awareness that China needed to move in the general directions of political reform, it finally became a movement that was dedicated to implement several goals, although some of them were vague while others more specific (Chen, 1995). As noted earlier, it is not surprising that it was the students who zealously felt responsible for the future of china in that, they were responsible for leading the country down a path that will match politically what Deny Xiaoping had already accomplished in reforming China’s economy. 3The movement formed a strategy whereby it manifested itself in the form of established students union like autonomous Federation of Beijing University and College (AFBUC). It brought together students from more than forty academic institutions from Beijing alone. However, the communist party and government banned the organizations after while; as a result the movement sought various ways of expressing their outrage and presenting their claim that it is a time for a democratic reform (Chen, 1995). Various methods of protesting were used like using the “big character” wall posters, boycotting classes and hunger strike. Placards which read “we want democracy” to “give me democracy of give me death”. It was evident that the students persistent was enormous, since they managed to rally hundreds of thousands of students to local Beijing citizens of their planned demonstrations on Tiananmen Square, this made the government fearful of social instability. The students believed that a breakdown of the elist old-guard control along with popular representation could solve the problems associated with patronage and nepotism (Chen, 1995). 2.3 The government’s reactions and the movement’s honors for Hu But it was the huge demonstration on the seventieth anniversary of death of Hu, the May fourth movement which served as means to legitimize the students’ efforts at reforms, because afterwards authorities held dialogues with students which the students considered was unsuccessful for they were frustrated by the government refusal to recognize the movement and its demands (Harding, 1993). In the really sense, the movement was a literacy and cultural movement an anti-imperialist, anti-foreign, and anti-feudal movement. The prominent Chinese intellectual who participated in the movement’s preparation, Yan, the director of the 4Research Institute of political science of Beijing’s Chinese Academy of social sciences asserted the “four magic weapons for China’s modernization drive,” namely; a sound legal system, a market economy, science and democracy. The official student union and the union of postgraduate students of Beijing University formally announced their regrets over Hu’s death. They praised him in their condolences for his “indelible contribution in promoting the process of China’s modernization drive, democratization, and reform. In their condolences they stated that Hu’s death was a tremendous loss to the state and the people in general and announced special plans including the establishment of a working committee to mourn Hu’s death. In addition, they demanded that a student representative be sent to attend Hu Yaobang’s memorial Ceremony (Harding, 1993). It was here during in this ceremony when more than five hundred teachers and students from Chinese University of political science and law rallied in front of the people’s monument, the protest march originated in Western Suburbs of Beijing and arrived at Tiananmen, where there were approximately four thousand people watching the rally at the square. The students shouted slogans like “long live Democracy”, “Long live freedom” “Down with corruption” and “down with bureaucracy” and in the end they laid a giant wrath in front o f the monument in the presence of policemen at the square to keep order (Harding, 1993). Finally, in the square, a student committee of the National Peoples Congress (NPC) presented a letter of appeal containing a list of seven demands: namely; a fair appraisal of Hu Yaobang: a repealing of the “anti-bourgeois liberalization” and “anti-spiritual pollution” campaigns against western and capitalistic influences; more news freedom; more money for education; freedom to protest and demonstrate, release of income reports of high government officials; and lastly the revocation of a rule against demonstrations stipulated by Beijing City Municipality (Goldman, et. al, 1993). This list was readily read publicly by a student protester the following day. The municipality government in Shanghai, however, issued a statement suggesting that the mourning activities should be organized within work units under proper guidance.5At the square students shouted pro-democracy slogans, they debated the need for democratic reform and a restructure of Chin’s legal system. As reported by various reports, more than ten thousand people took over Tiananmen Square to rally for democracy and several thousand students matched to the communist party headquarters, Zhonghanhai, in an attempt to speak to the nation’s leaders, and even some two hundred students remained in the square after dark. As a result the Chinese official media demanded an extensive coverage on political achievements of Hu Yaobang, especially on the less controversial subject such as his effort in rehabilitating the victims of the Cultural Revolution (Goldman, et. al, 1993). 6As reported by the world Economics Heralds, the best way to mourn Ha Yaobang was through the democratization of China. About two thousand students and some local residents gathered outside at the entrance of state council in the Zhonghanhai demanded to speak to Hi Peng or any other government leaders, they even tried to force their way in but they were blocked by police and at 4.20 am. in the morning Xinhua News agency made a statement from Beijing Municipal Government, the entrance to the Zhongnanhai complex saying that the motive of most people to mourn Hu’s death were good, but the attempt by “certain people to create and provoke violence is not a normal activity, it was hoped that masses will heighten their vigilance to avoid being manipulated by people with ulterior motives”, in addition it stated that it was illegal to storm party and government organs and that such acts could not therefore be tolerated Goldman, et al.1993). As a result, police were later deployed to break up the demonstration but normality was restored afterward. 2.4 Media censorship on the movement by the government However, Western journalists who interviewed the students suggested that they didn’t understand their concept of democracy and how they wanted it to be implemented. In addition a well informed source reported to have heard the CPC propaganda Department order all Chinese media not to report on any acts of Students violence, which extended to articles, photographs, and videos, and only organized mourning activities by the students and people from different work units were allowed to be reported (Goldman, et al.1993).. On Friday the twenty first around a hundred thousand people gathered in Tiananmen Square at night the number increased to about two hundred thousand. However, most of the protesters were mainly students although the movement did manage to attract a good number of workers. It was the monument of the people’s Heroes which became a stage of people to freely express their concerns about democracy and the Chinese government’s future (Goldman, et al.1993). 2.5 The movement gains support locally and internationally This was the largest outpouring of people in the History of China since the end of the Mao era which happened more than twelve years before. The democracy movement escalated to the whole of China, there were published series of photographs articles, and poems praising Hu Yaobang’s accomplishments during his little time as a national leader and as an individual. To the surprise of Chinese officials all workers joined the demonstration of the students. It is reported that after memorial service ended, violence occurred in central China in the city of Xian (Lau, 1982). 7In one of the published commentaries “Renmon Ribao” their leader, urged the mass protesters to be united, maintain stability and unite because for them to implement social democracy and maintain a sound legal framework, it is important to ensure the success of the reform programs and it was even the party’s objective to achieve these goals because the establishment of democracy has to take procedural steps (Goldman, et al.1993). Authorities moved then thousand solders from various outlying provinces to Beijing to suppress the students, who continued to boycott classes and press for democratic reforms at the same time close to sixty Universities, followed the demonstration with new enthusiasm. There was an announcement that students fabricate various rumors to poison people’s mind, and it further claimed that “if we do not resolutely stop this unrest, out state will have no calm days. Our reform and modernization will depend on this struggle and the future of our state and nation will depend on it, it even prohibited further protest or any rally in Tiananmen Square. However, some 159 faculty members from Peoples University sign an open letter which supported the students’ movement which further demanded that university students obtain freedom and democracy on their compasses (Chen, 1995). 8This forced the communist party to summon several thousand communist party officers in Beijing and Shanghai to an urgent emergency meeting to press for measures against students’ illegal demonstrations. On Thursday the April of twentseventhy students marched for fourteen hours through the streets of Beijing, the police and soldiers were unable to stop them and there was even the presence of workers and others lined up cheering on the protesters, some estimated one million workers waved students from their office windows and even sent them food an water in showing their support (Goldman, et al.1993). As a result the government was forced to have a ‘dialogue’ with them but on condition that it takes place on a restrained atmosphere and they cease boycotting their classes. All the same students met the officials reluctantly because they had declared that they newly formed student union was illegal. The CPC politburo held a larger meeting with the Beijing city government official, party leaders and military personnel and their agenda was the discussion of the large-scale student demonstration the day before it is reported from informed sources that the members were surprised that there was an overwhelmed support of people from all walks of life even the workers themselves, at the same time students reorganized themselves and prepared a three point demand plan dialogue with the government :- (a) Their dialogue with officials is broadcasted through the official media, (b) Protection and guarantee that there would be no retaliation of student leaders and lastly, (c)The students’ movement is given a fair appraisal and the movement objective report. The students at the same time received support by the United Stated for their peaceful demand for freedom and democracy. The Chinese government was urged by United States President George Bush to exercise restraint and tolerance. The Canada Chinese students gave their support; they raised US $ 1,270 for their cause. The US president for the first time since the start of the movement openly supported the students’ movement’s demands and urged China, the Soviet Union and other totalitarian nations to accept democracy (Goldman, et al.1993). 2.6 The government’s report after meeting with the students 9As a result, an informal meeting of forty five student delegates from sixteen colleges and Chinese government officials took place which was broadcasted over Chinese television for three hours, and in the meeting students interrogated the officials on several issues that were put forward by the demonstrators. In the meeting the officials stated that many students’ goals ran parallel to that of the government, all the same there were bitter arguments and criticism from both sides, but it was later reported by the officials that the meeting was only informal between the student and representatives of the government, therefore it was not a formal dialogue (Harding, 1993). The AFBCU went forward despite government warnings published and printed the first issue of its publication and more than forty public organizations individually expressed their support in Hong Kong. A second round of talks between the government officials and students representatives then followed. It is at this meeting where Beijing city Mayor Chen Xitong and Liximing disclosed their personal income and job titles of their members of the family as demanded earlier by the students, they claimed their monthly income salaries to be around Rmb 300 (Chen, 1995). 2.7 Government criticized 10There was a provoked criticism by intellectuals who felt that the news reporting should be fair and objective, after the Shanghai City Council imposed a structural reorganization on the “World Economic Herald” when it disputed a working group to the press to make changes within the establishment. The Shanghai Secretary General CPC, Jioangt Zemin, stated that he supported their demands to crack down on corruption and bureaucracy, but warned that the government would act against anyone who tried to exploit any opportunity to create turmoil (Lau, 1982). However, when the government rejected their twenty four ultimatum meeting, they decided to demonstrate far sweeping democratic reforms, greater access press freedom, and a reappraisal of Hu Yaobang and when the secretary General spoke at a meeting he insisted that modernization and reform were extremely difficult tasks in China that can only proceed in a stabled socio-political environment, not in turmoil. At the same time, a group of prominent intellectuals of China produced a written proposal that supported students’ movement, urging the government to deepen their reforms (Harding, 1993). 3.0 Conclusion 3.1 Positive responses and the final breakthrough 11After international intervention, a good number of students’ leaders ended their boycotts and called for meetings to discuss future strategies, consequently Premier Lipeng stated that the students and the government had similar aims and more dialogue will take place between the two groups, at the same time he was working hard to ensure domestic stability, as a result students representatives held a meeting to prepare the details of the dialogue, where they stressed four points: (a)Their intention in starting the recent movement, (b)The deepening of political and economic reform with specific attention to education, inflation, population, and social problems, (c)The forty-year regime revolutionary problems and suggestions for establishing future democracy, (d) Problems regarding youth participation in government and problems implementing greater democratic reforms. Although the politburo members generally agreed to a dialogue with students their final decisions were split. But a prominent leader Deng Xiaoping of China regretted “his tough stand against recent student unrest and had been convinced to soften his attitude” at the same time he regretted “the forced resignation” of Hu Yaobang. The politburo endorsed a moderate party line in an unannounced meeting of Zhao Ziyang towards the student demonstrators; Deng Xiaoping although did not attend the meeting also sent a statement supporting a moderate line of democracy reforms (Lau, 1982). References Chen, X (1995) Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter-Discourse in Post-Mao China Oxford University Press; New York Goldman, M. et al (1993) ‘China’s Intellectuals in the Deng Era: Loss of Identity With the State;’ China’s Quest for National Identity, L. Dittmer and S. S. Kim eds.; Cornell University Press; Ithaca Harding, H (1993). ‘The Concept of Greater China: Themes, Variations and Reservations’, the China Quarterly 136 Lau, S. (1982) Society and Politics in Hong Kong,: Chinese University Press; Hong Kong. Ong, A & Nonini, D. eds., (1997) Ungrounded Empires: the cultural politics of Chinese Tran nationalism Routledge press, New York: Read More