Is the Chinese One Child Policy Worth It - Essay Example

Is Chinese One Child Policy Worth It? Overpopulation in China is a quite common and official explanation of poverty in the country: a number of citizens, which had radically increased since 1960s because of Mao Zedong “the more people, the more power” policy, wasn’t completely handled for the time being. Despite that nowadays a Chinese economy is one of the most fast-growing in the world, a majority of citizens still share bad conditions of life. Moreover, in a chase of economic well-being and life conditions improving, a Chinese reproductive process has to go through a strict governmental correction: what should be a question of nature and cultural tradition is now determined by the family planning program (One Child Policy). The numbers can tell if the Policy had economically succeed, yet it’s more important and humane to study what measurable changes One Child Policy brings to Chinese social institution of family and marriage and what are the consequences of the Policy. Other words, what are the sacrifices now living Chinese have to make? It firstly should be said, that China is not the only country in the world which is worried about people overgrowth. During the 20th century a general world population increased greatly and unprecedentedly in human history within all countries due to a technical and scientific progress in medicine and common mass social tendency, a sexual revolution and etc. Thus, nowadays governments of most of the countries are engaged in family planning programs to some degree. “Family planning programs are social, political and often country specified” (Feng, Cai and Gu 115). Yet, in China there’s “an unprecedented level of government control of births” due to an unprecedented number of population increase (Feng, Cai and Gu 117). It’s basically, only one child allowed to live after two of his/ her parents. In order to keep the lineage legally, modern Chinese society are now engaged in some weighty trends. Intermigration (due to One Child Policy variations for country’s areas) There are some differences China family planning program has countrywide. Firstly, depending on previous years’ calculations every Chinese province may have a different birth rate quota for a next year not to exceed. It means, in some overpopulated areas more children generally are allowed to be born. For this reason, country experiences an internal migration from overpopulated provinces to less populated ones in order to give birth to another child. Yet, a wider province quota isn’t always a practical way to have a baby. “The central government holds the power to appoint the political leaders at the provincial level” (Huang and Zhou 5). In this way, a human factor influences the law. Working for the system, governmental officials are trying to do their best and decrease nation population growth, even in areas where “relaxation of the policy” is governmentally allowed (Huang and Zhou 5). Thus, even for wider birth rate quota areas One Child Policy may be strict. In these circumstances, the most popular direction of internal migration is Hong Kong which is a special administrative region, also with a decreasing birth rate, and second child is allowed here. Another possibility to have more children and avoid One Child Policy is an out-China migration. The most popular directions are Singapore, Malaysia and United States. However, it should be mentioned that more than one child in China can be born, yet a child will be declared illegal by the government, unauthorized and deprived of social care and social rights. Also, there’s a fine of five-year annual income a family would pay for each illegal baby (Huang and Zhou 7). The definition in One Child Policy exists also for urban and for rural areas. In urban areas the Policy is less flexible due to overpopulation of Chinese cities, and commonly one child is allowed only. A second one may be allowed in case, if family’s only child had died, or in specific circumstances like, for example, a twin case. In rural areas the Policy is more flexible. Second child is commonly allowed, if family’s first child is a girl, or if both parents were the only children in their families. The reason of this flexibility is a general low of fertility among rural citizens. Despite that “China remains a predominantly rural (i.e. 59 percent) nation” the youth demonstrate an out-migrating tendency from rural areas “in spite of rapid urbanization” while elderly is left here unsupported (Zang and Goza 5). Naturally, rural areas are lacking of possibilities in comparison to urban ones and government pursues a flexible policy in order to save a rural population. There’s also another category of population, officially considered as one in need of population saving – Chinese ethnic minorities. One Child Policy on ethnicity: variations, intermarriage and social consequences The family planning policy is the most flexible for ethnic minorities of China, which consists of 55 different ethnic groups and majority of the Han. The reason is those minorities’ summed number makes only about 8-10% of general population, while about 90% of other Chinese are Hans (Huang and Zhou 3). Chinese government also appreciates “an interethnic peace” in the country, and for this reason, “though ethnic minorities were not fully exempted from the One Child Policy, they were to follow specific guidelines” (Huang and Zhou 4). Firstly, it’s allowed for ethnic minority parents to have two or even more children per family, especially when living in rural areas and being a single child themselves. Secondly, according to Chinese law, a mixed couple (where one parent is the Han and another parent is ethnic minority representative) may choose an ethnic affiliation of a child. Moreover, a child of a mixed couple after the reaching age of 18 may him/ herself change own ethnicity and take minorities advantages (Huang 11). Among those advantages also “are priority in college entrance and promotion within governmental agencies” (Huang and Zhou 3). For these reasons Huang and Zhou consider, “The permitting of two or more children to families with a minority member would make a minority people more valuable in the marriage market” (Huang and Zhou 6). Using governmental minorities’ privileges children are easier to raise and when they are adults, they are more likely to get a job. Therefore, it’s more likely that children will be able to support parents monetary in future. According to Huang and Zhou research, the increase of sharing interethnic marriage in most of Chinese provinces during 1990-2005 years was highly dependent on the fine for having illegal baby. “More interethnic marriages happened as the fine on unauthorized birth increased” while Han-to-Han and minority-to-minority marriages decreased significantly (Huang and Zhou 10). Huang and Zhou also have found out that with a view of the minority privileges mixed couples are generally more educated than Han-Han couples (Huang and Zhou 11). The same issue is fair for minority-minority couples, because they generally come from rural areas. “Some ethnic groups are much less socioeconomically developed than Hans” and live quite locally: “more than 60 percent of minorities are located in the southern and southwestern areas of China, and about 30 percent live in the north areas” (Chang 62). Therefore, intermarriages then are more likely to happen in urban areas where Hans predominate, where minorities are college students or governmental workers. Studying on a subject of women fertility and intermarriage, Chang admits, “The effect of intermarriage, while stronger among urban women than among rural women, maintains” (Chang 72). It’s female minority who are more likely to out-married Hans and leave a rural area. There’s also a fertility interrelation between ethnic minority women out-marring Hans, and those women education. For example, the highest education while the lowest fertility (1,92 child) is demonstrated among the Manchu women whose percent of out-marring Hans is over 44, while the Tibetans women who have about one year of schooling and out-marriage Hans quite rarely (about 4%) demonstrate the highest fertility (4,08 child) (Chang 67). Another trend Chang has found is, “Generally, exogamous (intermarried) women have lower levels of fertility than endogamous women” (Chang 72). It’s mostly explained by One Child Policy, but scholar also sees a cultural affect from this out-marring trend. Interestingly, Chang views an intermarriage tendency in terms of ethnic assimilation and the loss of tradition cultural identity. “Intermarriage is believed to be the final stage of assimilation” (Chang 61). There’s no racial difference within China’s minorities, and rather than being distinguished from each other on the phenotypic basis, the difference originates from cultural and linguistic characteristics that developed over the centuries of keeping a tradition. For example, the Hui and the Uygur profess Islam. The Hui also use an Arabic script while the “Uygur language belongs to the Turkic group of languages” (Chang 62). Chang brings an example of the Zhuangs, the largest group of minority who has increased their population (about 15 million), but has been largely assimilated by Hans. Along with weakening of cultural tradition and general assimilation tendency, the Zhuangs are required a pretty much the same strict family planning policy as for the Hans. Thus, diversification of cultural traditions decreases. When out-marring, a cultural tradition is less likely to be kept, especially when it’s a woman who engages a new tradition. In patriarchic society, and especially in refer to a common traditional male preference, out-married women tend to assimilate within new environment. “For minority women who intermarried to Hans, they appear to be more willing to accept the mainstream culture” (Chang 72). Another reason of this trend originates from socioeconomic development of Hans. Living in urban areas with a developed infrastructure and more advanced life conditions, intermarriage to the Hans can be considered as a social lift by minority women (Chang 71). They naturally expect better life conditions and better future perspectives in the city. Yet whoever marring, it’s impossible for Chinese to overcome time, and wherever living they have to modify their family traditional lifestyle after the marriage. Unbalanced generation structure is mostly distinguishable in big cities. Generation family structure: tradition and changes Along with a decreasing fertility, China also increased longevity. Together they are two key characteristics of aging society. “From 1950 to 2003 a life expectancy increased from 41 to 71 years” and therefore, nowadays China demonstrates “an unprecedented rapid transition from a relatively young to a relatively old population” (Zhang and Goza 3). The natural growth of elderly along with a strict governmental control on births makes a 4-2-1 family structure to be the most common type of kinship patterns. It means for a one born child, there are two parents and four grandparents to care about. The three generation family structure itself has been a quite traditional issue in Chinese areas, and “three generation families remain an important family type not only in China, but throughout Asia” (Zhang and Goza 15). Also traditionally, refer to an example of dynasties, relatives had strong family ties and obligations to each other. In accordance with Confucian tradition, family members tended to “assist each other economically” (Zhang and Goza 9). Thus, hhe “subordination” within families has stayed pretty much the same: for current parents (so-called, a “sandwich generation”) the first obligation is to care about their born child and their elderly parents, and then to think about own needs. The eldest son in a family traditionally was responsible for elderly parents’ support when they are on retirement. However, in current circumstances the eldest son is usually the only son, or a daughter. Thus, Confucian tradition explains a common Chinese families’ desire to have a boy: a boy is always in a preference to a girl, because he keeps the lineage and a family name. Another explanation is more rational: boys are more likely to get a job and to help family monetary. Logically, with a view of One Child Policy, there’s a sex ratio all over the country: more abortion are made when finding out that child will be a girl, more cases of female infanticide, etc. (Zhang and Goza 5). Yet, at the same time Zhang and Goza point, that according to many researches girls are tend to feel more family obligated, and in a modern time when family ties are generally weakening, girls are more likely to care about own parents and parents-in-law (Zhang and Goza 6). In rural areas it’s considered as the best outcome to give birth to a girl first, and then, according to One Child Policy, take the privilege and have a son, because for a boy alone it’s hard to keep a household (Zhang and Goza 23). Zhang and Goza consider a sandwich generation (parents nowadays) to be the most affected by the One Child Policy (Zhang and Goza 8). Commonly being the only family child themselves, they have to care about two elderly parents each, and together raise a one, or two children. Caring of elderly themselves, modern parents tend not to expect too much care from their only child when they retirement, and thus looking for ways to help themselves when grey hairs. Despite that, a sandwich generation keeps caring and investing in their children, as it was traditionally established in China (Zhang and Goza 20). Conclusion It can be concluded, that being an unprecedented case of governmental interference in national social life, One Child Policy has a determinative influence on Chinese social institution of family and marriage. The Policy firstly affects current parents’ generation, forcing them to change a place of natural residence and the ethnical structure of a family in order to give birth to more than one child legally. Living Chinese also have to modify their families’ traditional generation structure with a view of modern concerns. Natural outcomes of this state of affairs are general inter- and out-country migration, interethnic marriages, assimilation, unsupported elderly and sex ratio tendencies faced all over the country. Meanwhile, proclaimed to be a national economic improving issue, One Child Policy hasn’t yet overcome a general poverty, but it has already driven some radical changes in Chinese family and marriage tradition and caused disturbing social trends. Works Cited Chang, C.-F. “The impact of intermarriage on the fertility of minority women”. In Dudley L. Poston, Jr. (Ed.) Fertility, Family Planning and Population Policy in China, pp. 61-74. Routledge, 2005. Huang, W. and Zhou, Y. “Marrying Minorities for More Children: One Child Policy and Cross-Ethnic Marriage in China”. Population Association of America. 23 Sept. 2013. Web. 28 Feb. 2015. < http://paa2014.princeton.edu/papers/140779> Wang, F., Cai, Y. and Gu, B. “Population, Policy, and Politics: How Will History Judge China’s One-Child Policy?”. Population and Development Review, 38: 115-129. Feb. 2013. Web. 28 Feb. 2015. < http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2013.00555.x/epdf> Zhang, Y. and Goza, F. W. “Who Will Care for the Elderly in China? A Review of the Problems Caused by China’s One Child Policy and their Potential Solutions”. Center for Family and Demographic Research. Web. 28 Feb. 2015. Read More