Social Inequality and Homicide - Essay Example

Social inequality and homicide: The puzzles presented through correlation BY YOU YOUR SCHOOL INFO HERE HERE Introduction Social inequality is considerate of systems within a society that have the ability to limit an individual’s social class and social status. There are multi-faceted aspects of social inequality which are inclusive, but not limited to, having access to quality health care, occupation, property rights, education, and wealth (Rugaber and Boak 2014). Social inequality emerges as a result of social stereotypes, as a result of social attitudes regarding ethnicity, or even though legislation produced by government that promotes discrimination. As it pertains to wealth disparities, social inequality is considerate of the quality of lifestyle of an individual or group in a society that is founded on unequal distribution of goods and services, as well as income disparity. It is even recognised that racist practices and similar social discrimination provides a situation in which an individual or group finds limited opportunities, hence an inability to procure appropriate wealth levels that are linked to quality of life. Social inequality is encompassing of a variety of contextual factors, however it is best defined as the disparity between one social group and another that provides for the foundation of social injustice and varying levels of social discrimination. It is recognised that social inequality is linked to higher incidents of crime and violent crime (Gabbidon 2007; Wilson and Daly 1997; Messner and Golden 1992). However, there is contention in the research community that social inequality can concretely be correlated to higher incidents of homicide. Bailey (1984) found an insignificant correlation between inequality and homicide prevalence. Gabbidon (2010), however, found that the systems which drive social competition are what turn individual toward committing a variety of different criminal activities up to and including homicide. The aforementioned studies, though, were inclusive of factors related to the United States society. Nadanovsky and Cunha-Cruz (2009) iterate that the prevalence of homicide rates are widely varied between different countries across the world, hence suggesting there may be a variety of disparate social factors which diverge from nation to nation that might explain a potential correlation between homicide incidents and factors related to social inequality. Capitalistic nations, socialist nations, or those with disparate cultural values from developed countries, could, theoretically, be an explanatory factor for homicide prevalence taking into consideration more contextual factors other than simply social inequality. However, it should be recognised that this is only a subjective assertion based on the known contention between disparate researchers that have found significance and insignificance as it pertains to correlating homicide and social inequality as an influence of homicidal behaviours. Hence, therein lays the puzzle for any potential correlations that might have been discovered through research indicating that there is a linkage between homicide crime and social inequality. Available research on this topic would seem to indicate that there are contextual factors that serve as catalysts (in the social condition) that might theoretically lead to homicide intentions. If this assertion is accurate and factual, then it would significantly complicate the process of reducing homicide when considering social inequality as a catalyst for murder. Based on research findings, it would appear that the mental health condition of those who are less advantaged in society contribute to homicide prevalence, in addition to racial discrimination, authority systems in society, social competition within capitalistic societies, as well as the psychological implications of social ostracism that is a product of social class prejudice. This creates a substantial puzzle in attempting to define how to deconstruct homicide intentions when there is such a multi-faceted and complex series of theoretical mechanisms that drive homicide activities. Racism as a predictor of homicide activity Messner and Golden (1992) found a significant correlation between homicide instances in society and racial inequality, using a sample population hailing from 154 different cities. This study compared the homicide prevalence between Blacks and Whites, illustrating a significant disparity in homicide occurrences with Blacks being the dominant homicide offenders comparatively. However, in order to explain why social inequality among blacks (from a racism perspective) is a predictor of homicide in this social group, it is necessary to understand the contextual factors serving as influence for this type of criminal behaviour. Race, according to Cornell and Hartmann (2007) is a social construct borne of anatomical features related to ethnicity. Race becomes a classification for how groups define themselves, a meaning that is given to shared anatomical attributes within and outside of a racial group. Individuals that share like physical attributes serve as a framework for self-identity and then society develops a series of social ideologies that determine the significance of one group as compared to another. This classification was founded on European colonialism that occurred in the 1600s as European explorers began to expand their domains, carrying very Euro-centric values when these explorers landed in foreign nations (Cornell and Hartmann). During this period, Europeans maintained a desire to procure substantial resources to serve the interests of European empires. Having very ethnocentric characteristics, Europeans began classifying foreign peoples as inferior and substandard to the European races. In order to thrive in an evolving international economy, now inclusive of more substantial industry and technological knowledge, Europeans starting delivering slaves from Africa to the New World (North America) and Europe. Euro-centric citizens and government developed the notion of blackness as a classification indicative of servitude and inadequacy whilst being white was associated with liberty and autonomy which served as a catalyst for white hegemony. Race, therefore, became a long-standing and trans-generational style of thinking in which attitudes about racial superiority became taught from one generation to the next (Winant 2001). As a result, racial discrimination that had endured for centuries served as the foundation for social inequality with this particular group. For instance, in the United States, even though blacks had been granted autonomy from slavery and the right to vote in national elections in 1865 at the end of the U.S. Civil War, society and even government continued to impose barriers that continued to oppress Blacks in society. Government representatives that still believed that the Black race was a threat to white supremacy were able to pass legislation that commanded poll taxes which were fees required to exercise voting rights. This was prompted by ongoing trans-generational racial hatred of Blacks to ensure that this group would be unable to exercise their right to vote (O’Malley 1999). Furthermore, blacks were forced by legislation to yield to a variety of government-imposed literacy tests to validate they maintain the cognitive competency to vote capably (Hale 1998). This was a phenomenon most prevalent in the Southern region of the country, forcing mass migration of Blacks to major Northern cities such as Chicago and Detroit, two urban regions that eventually became congested and ultimately decrepit ghettos (Hale 1998). Concurrently, white communities in suburban regions outside of these ghettos thrived with social and governmental support. This situation, using the United States as a relevant example, assists in solving the puzzle of the correlation of homicide with racial prejudice as an outcome of social inequality. Gilligan (1996) identifies that violence is a predictable outcome of disrespect and humiliation, common trans-generational attitudes stemming from racial prejudice (Allen 1997). As indicated, many of the negative classifications of Black citizens were carried into Europe and became trans-generational beliefs about Black inferiority. The UK Office of National Statistics indicates that in 2007, ten percent of London’s population was Black (Office for National Statistics 2011). However, despite being only a marginal portion of London society, the majority of violent crimes committed in the city were perpetrated by black men (Alderson 2010). Even former Prime Minister, Tony Blair, referred to a black “gang culture” that was contributing to higher homicide rates (Steele 2007, p.2). In psychological and sociological theory, one of the most fundamental and rather universal human needs is establishment of social belonging. It would be irresponsible to state that in contemporary UK society that the majority of non-black citizens maintain potent racial prejudices against this group, however long-standing trans-generational prejudices and stereotypes still exist in the nation. As a result, this racial group is subject to some level of humiliation and disrespect whilst attempting to find their place in UK society. When an individual is unable to obtain a perception of legitimised social belonging, it leads to impeded self-esteem development (Weiten and Lloyd 2010) and, as identified by Messner and Golden (1992) there is a substantial correlation between homicide rates with Blacks and the level of social inequality in society. Individuals that maintain low self-esteem often exhibit what is referred to as floating hostility, or a type of petulance and social defensiveness, social envy, and substantial resentment against anyone who might criticise them (Hogg and Cooper 2003). Not all individuals in society, concurrently, maintain high levels of emotional intelligence, or the ability to regulate and control one’s emotional responses (Weiten and Lloyd 2010), which might theoretically explain impulsive murderous intentions. As a result, there is an enigma in assigning blame for homicide activities only to social inequality. The puzzle is determining the sociological catalysts (i.e. social prejudice) and the potential psychological outcomes of diminished self-esteem developed as a result of such prejudices. Based on solid and respected psychological and sociological theories of human behaviour, it is not just social inequality that would lead to higher homicide rates, it is the complexities of psycho-social maladjustment that should be addressed in order to potentially curb homicide instances within disadvantaged social groups. As society has been attempting to remove long-standing racially-motivated prejudices with little return on investment, it might be more appropriate to educate the socially disadvantaged to better cope with the stresses and angst of being the target of recurring disrespect so as to attain a self-constructed positive esteem for the self without reliance on the social environment to provide these positive adjustment characteristics. Social competition, capitalism and mental health Karl Marx, an advocate for the abolishment of capitalism, viewed social inequality as an injustice within a society. Capitalism is a system whereby factors of production and business, as well as other resources, are promoted to be controlled by private ownership without a central government dictating supply and demand (Fulcher 2004). Karl Marx promoted socialism as a more relevant and just system in which there is fair allocation of resources to all members of society and the abolishment of a class system that distinguishes the wealthy from the poverty stricken. Marx believed that the inherent competitive forces in society and class divisions created social inequality that is an abomination (and legitimate) within capitalistic societies (Gabbidon 2007). Known today as Marxist Criminology, Marx believed that criminal behaviour is an outcome of the social systems in capitalism, common structures in the United Kingdom and the United States, two countries where homicide rates exceed most international statistical averages. Marxist Criminology led to the formation of conflict theory, which suggests that when class divisions (by basis of wealth disparity) are present, social conflict ensues. When there is a concurrent inequality in the distribution of resources, individuals or groups that are left at a disadvantage tend to turn toward criminal activity. Why is this? In capitalistic societies, there is a dominant social attitude that materialism assists in developing a sense of social identity and that material goods serve as trademarks of personal success. Oliver (2000) asserts that the notion of the American Dream within the United States tends to encourage achievement of financial gain as a primary social goal and, with limited government control over supply and demand, it breaks down the effectiveness of social support mechanisms and control systems which turns individuals toward criminal behaviour in order to obtain the same social relevance and class status as the more advantaged (Oliver 2000). To avoid economic deprivation, individuals or groups desperate to gain social enhancement will theoretically resort to violent crime as a means of ensuring better class status, even homicide to procure these materialistic resources. This type of competition is even recognised in consumerism and marketing theory, a phenomenon known as conspicuous consumption. This phenomenon is the propensity of consumers to utilise purchased luxury products in order to illustrate to social reference groups that the individual has achieved income-related prosperity (O’Cass and McEwen 2004). Therefore, it is a measurable fact that in capitalistic societies, there is a widespread ideology that those with higher economic resources and more high-priced material goods are superior to those with minimal resources and tangible premium, consumed products. Hence, the capitalistic system and social ideologies related to consumerism as a justification of social superiority sets the framework for income disparity that leads to higher instances of criminal behaviour according to Marxist Criminology theory. How, though, does Marxist Criminology explain higher homicide rates as a result of social inequality? Income inequality is known to cause psycho-social stresses and the prevalence of psychiatric disorders is much higher in those maintaining low social class statuses (Murali and Oyebode 2004). Psychosis has also been measured as being higher in lower-class individuals (Murali and Oyebode). Psychosis is defined as an individual that maintains delusional attitudes which are often paranoid-based. Common beliefs of an individual experiencing psychosis include believing that others are attempting to cause harm to the individual (Pillmann and Marneros 2004). Oftentimes, these delusions surface without warning and are not reconcilable with normal cognitive processes. A study conducted by Nestor, Kimble, Berman and Haycock (2002) found that a sample group of 15 institutionalised murderers with clinically-diagnosed psychotic attributes performed their murders in absence of social intelligence, ranging from lack of empathy, love and remorse. Hence, this too provides a puzzle, recognising that the social inequality promoted by capitalistic ideology and the prevailing social systems that applaud materialism and income procurement as measures of one’s social relevancy. Subsequent psychological outcomes of such social and income-related deprivation can lead to mental health conditions inclusive of psychosis in which one has lost touch with reality and develops paranoid behaviours. This does not only explain that social inequality can lead to more predictability for engaging in homicidal activities, but tends to provide a more complex set of catalysts that would theoretically make it difficult to create a model by which to reduce homicide rates. Capitalistic ideology is long-standing and has been the product of social division for centuries, yet another trans-generational set of teachings passed down from one generation to the next and has become a substantial influence in social attitude and social behaviour in developed countries. Therefore, assuming the validity of the assertion that social competition in a capitalistic nation creates significant mental health disturbances with some members of society, it would be theoretically viable to begin deconstructing distorted conceptions of the value of materialism as a foundational measurement of human relevancy if homicide rates are to be reduced. In countries like the United Kingdom and the United States, it is often publicly asserted by government and social membership that society should value diversity and that these nations should embrace equal opportunities. Concurrently, underlying and long-standing social values related to class competition serves as a form of inconsistency and contradiction between idealised and legitimate social values, thus creating a type of cognitive distortion within some members of society. Hence, an individual might theoretically maintain positive motivations under the notion that government and society promotes equal opportunities and then has these favourable notions traumatised by a type of social hypocrisy that is the realistic social condition associated with materialism and class competition. It is not astonishing nor unexpected considering the findings of Murali and Oyebode (2004) who found a strong correlation between psychiatric disorder development and low class status that homicide could well be a legitimate outcome of social inequality. Psychotic episodes that manifest under conditions of depression often involve persecutory attitudes (delusions of blame against others) that might theoretically be a catalyst for homicidal behaviours. The puzzle is deconstructing all of the multi-faceted explanations of how social competition in a capitalistic society might contribute to homicide increases since there appears to be a rather multi-tiered set of explanations that actually serve to build social inequality. A blend of materialism as the foundation of social relevancy, the propensity of the frustration for being less advantaged leading to mental health disorders, and the distortion between government- and socially-imposed duplicity regarding equal opportunities versus class competition would make it difficult to identify a methodology to reduce homicidal intentions for some members of a society. There would need to be more in-depth studies conducted using a variety of variable and criteria, with large-sized, random samples of the population, to determine the extent to which social inequality legitimately leads to higher instances of homicide. This could be a costly undertaking requiring the efforts of hundreds of researchers over an elongated period of time to uncover the most influential variables that underpin social inequality in order to create a model by which to reduce homicide rates, at least in developed nations such as the U.S. and the UK. Hence, this is the puzzle: determining how best to examine a multitude of factors that are known to create social competition and social inequality to provide a predictable and reliable template by which to alter social attitudes or change extrinsically-motivated intentions to commit homicide with certain members of society. Government-imposed authority systems It has been empirically difficult to distinguish social factors from economic factors to determine the extent to which social inequality and criminal behaviours are correlated. Violent crime is more frequent in poorer communities as a result of policing systems and policing allocations. Policing services imposed by the State tend to favour communities that have more affluent characteristics and citizens (Behrman and Craig 1987). This fact cannot be ignored considering that Bailey (1984) found no significant correlation between social inequality and the prevalence of homicide instances. This means that are extenuating circumstances, outside of social inequality, that could serve as a catalyst for homicidal behaviours. Policing services are established to protect and service the public, regardless of their class status, ethnicity or other disparate characteristics. If policing authorities place more obvious value and attention for more affluent community members, it would not be surprising that it would lead to frustration, anxiety or general stress for less-privileged members of society that do not feel their foundational security needs and respect for social relevancy is being recognised and considered by those who maintain community influence and authority. Hence, homicide might not, as identified by Bailey (1984), be a product of social inequality, but in the methodology of policing service allocation that simply allows more criminal behaviour (inclusive of homicides) to be more prevalent in poorer communities. This, again, creates a puzzle in attempting to isolate a cause and a cure for homicidal behaviours within a society. Policing agencies that put more value on economically-prosperous community members comparatively to that of less-privileged community citizens is consistent with the aforementioned social ideology of capitalistic values and beliefs from a materialism perspective. This would theoretically serve as the foundation for social inequality, but in this instance, social inequality would not be the catalyst for correlation with homicide frequency. Instead, as in the case of conspicuous consumption phenomenon and social competition for wealth and resources, it would simply be a product of less policing consideration and care about lower-class neighbourhoods and communities that allows for homicides to occur in higher frequency than in more affluent community regions. It would be irresponsible considering the contention in the research community about the justifiable correlation between homicide and social inequality to say, concretely, that social inequality is directly influential and prominent in explaining the creation of homicidal behaviours. Even though police attitudes would seem to be founded on the basis of Marxist assertions regarding social competition in a capitalistic society, it could not be defensible to state with stoic assertion that social inequality is absolutely correlated significantly with homicide, even though it is known that social inequality leads to criminal behaviour and some dimensions of violent crime not necessarily inclusive of homicidal activity. Conclusion Based on all research findings, it is still rather vague and undecided the full extent to which homicide is linked with social inequality. There are simply too many associated variables and catalysts that are known to build homicidal intentions and behaviours that are independent of social inequality to assert their correlative significance. Though some researchers identified a linkage between social inequality and mental health problems, which could theoretically be an explanatory factor for what drives homicide intention and action, the direct linkage between social inequality and homicide remains undetermined. There is absolutely a plethora of previous research studies available that have shown some level of significance between social inequality and homicide behaviour, however it cannot be set aside that not all historical research conducted with a focus on this premise have found extensive correlations. There is clearly a need for society and researchers in multiple domains, inclusive of sociological, psychological, and even political fields of study, to examine the underlying influences and catalysts that are attributable to the development of social inequality if society is to understand what creates the desire to commit homicide. This research project identified potential correlations which were encompassing of a variety of potential catalysts that might explain homicidal behaviour, but no definite conclusion could be drawn as to the extent to which social inequality could be significantly correlated with homicide prevalence. There is simply too much complexity in what underpins homicidal behaviour and action, though some of these multi-faceted circumstances are related to the development of social inequality, to make an assertion that both are substantially related. Therein builds the puzzle when attempting to understand the influences of homicidal behaviours. The inconsistency of correlative findings from previous researchers and the intricacy of potential catalysts for what constructs homicidal intentions are just too vast and require further research exploration. A logical assertion, however, based on all research findings in this study, is that there is at least a moderate correlation between homicide and social inequality that cannot be denied or wholly dismissed. The enigma, therefore, is identifying the core variables and social constructions that build social inequality in order to reduce homicide prevalence in a society that is not achievable simply by examining the phenomenon of social inequality alone without consideration of its foundational elements. References Alderson, A. (2010). Violent inner-city crime, the figures and a question of race, The Telegraph. [online] Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/7856787/Violent-inner-city-crime-the-figures-and-a-question-of-race.html (accessed 2 March 2014). 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