How and Why Does the Prevalence of Poverty Differ between Males and Females - Research Paper Example

? How and why does the prevalence of poverty differ between males and females? Introduction A person is considered to be living in poverty when they do not have finances to maintain the minimum shelter and food that is needed for life. It may also occur when people have less money or possessions than is considered acceptable socially. Poverty is an important issue in today’s society, and many people struggle to have enough money to live and to feed themselves and their family. People of many demographic backgrounds are affected by poverty, and there is a wide range of factors that lead people into this area. Sometimes people are limited by a mental or physical disorder that makes them unable to work. Other times, people are unable to find a job, unwilling, or simply cannot earn enough money to support themselves. Both gender and race are significant factors in poverty, as they result in people being presented with different opportunities and being limited in distinct ways. Within the United States, as is the case with most developed countries, the government provides assistance for many people living in poverty through a variety of programs, such as food stamps Section 8 housing. However, this assistance is not enough to prevent many families and individuals from struggling to live. The aim of this research paper is to examine relative poverty within the United States focusing on the differences between men and women. Historically it has been observed that females often suffer more from poverty than males do, but neither the driving factors, nor the trend itself is straightforward. This trend is prevalent in many countries throughout the world, suggesting that this does not simply occur as the result of pressures of Western society. The research question that will be considered in this review is, how and why does the prevalence of poverty differ between males and females? The author’s initially considers that the wage gap between males and females is the most likely driver of this effect, and consequently, working to equate wages between the sexes would be the most efficient way of reducing poverty in females. Poverty is an important topic in sociology, as the amount of money that people have, and their ability to care for themselves determines many aspects of society, such as social class. Poverty is also paramount in determining the quality of life that a person experiences, and their ability to achieve later in life. Many different types of people experience poverty in their lifetime and for some this is a state that may be ongoing for many years. Understanding what drives the differences between males and females is an important area of research, as it helps in the determination of the differences between the genders and the way in which they interact. Additionally, there is a applied sociology aspect to this topic, as understanding the drivers of poverty in males and females may help in the development of effective and targeted approaches for combating poverty. Literature Review Poverty can be a difficult aspect of human society to study, as it is difficult both to define and measure. The traditional definition of poverty is where a person cannot afford somewhere to live or sufficient food. However, most measures of poverty consider a certain income value which is often higher than is required for simply shelter and food (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Because of this, poverty can be more generally defined the state that occurs when a person or family has a lower standard of living that what is considered to be acceptable. For example, in the United States a family who could afford to rent a one-bedroom apartment, could manage to pay for food, but could not afford schoolbooks or new clothes, would generally be considered to be living in poverty. Measuring poverty Because the definition of poverty is broad, and also differs between different parts of the world it can be difficult to measure. Generally, poverty is measured in relation to a specific wage level, where anyone who earns under the line is considered to be poor while those above it are not. In the United States, the Census Bureau uses a dollar amount to estimate the poverty status of households. The amount a family must earn below to be considered poor varies by household type. This includes any form of monetary income (that is reported), but does not included assistance such as food stamps or medical insurance (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). In the United States, poverty for an area or nationwide is measured as the percentage of families or people that have a level of income below the threshold, which is known as the poverty threshold. Determining the level of poverty that is present in the general population or in specific groups can be difficult, as nationwide poverty statistics rely on reported measures of poverty. However, many people who suffer from poverty do not report it, and do not apply for government assistance. There are a variety of reasons for this including distrust in the government, a belief that they will not be helped regardless or a sense of pride (Hoynes et al., 2006). Additionally, people may not apply for assistance if they already know they are ineligible for it. Consequently, it is likely that most or all measures of poverty significantly underestimate its prevalence, and the effects that it has. Alternative definitions of poverty are sometimes used, but although these change some of the absolute values the trends of poverty remain essentially unchanged (Hoynes, et al., 2006). It is important to remember that the official and recorded amount of money that a household gets is not always a true representation of their level of income. For example, many people gain money from the informal economy, such as people who freelance online, or those who work at small stores for cash (Wright, 2011). Income from these forms of work is often not reported, and consequently are not considered in official measures of income. An indirect measurement of poverty that is sometimes used is the level of food security that a household experiences. Food security is the level of confidence that a person family has in having access to enough food to be healthy all of the time. People with low food security do not know where they will obtain money for their next meal or when this will occur (Nord et al., 2010). They may have sporadic access to food and will often be hungry for significant periods of time while trying to find money for their next meal. The trends observed by this measure are similar to that of other measures of poverty (such as, Hoynes et al. 2006), however, not all households who are food insecure are poor. Households with high income have also been shown to experience some food insecurity (Nord, et al., 2010). This may be because they do not budget ell, or have sporadic income. Consequently, food insecurity acts as a good estimate of poverty, but does not reflect actual numbers. Trends in poverty Despite increases in the levels of wages over the last few decades, and a growing representation of females in the workforce, the rates of poverty have remained relatively constant within the United States (Wright, 2011). However, in the late 2000’s, the world experienced what was known as a global financial crisis, which resulted in a recession in many countries, including the United States. Although the recession has officially ended, the effects remain throughout the world. For example, in the United States there is still a significantly higher rate of poverty and unemployment than there was prior to the recession (Jacobsen & Mather, 2011). Thus, recent years have resulted in the first increase in poverty that has been seen in a while, and poverty continues to remain an issue regardless of changes in job availability and wage level. This suggests that measures to alleviate poverty need to consider the factors that directly drive the prevalence of poverty. Gendered poverty Gendered poverty overseas Throughout the world, research strongly indicates that females continue to suffer from higher rates of poverty than males (Wright, 2011). This effect is present in both developed and developing countries, but is often strongest in developing countries due to strong social discrimination between the genders and gender-specific roles. In developing countries, many females do not have access to social services, and it is difficult for them to participate in paid work (International Poverty Center, 2008). Gender analysts argue that this disparity is something that needs to be addressed by acknowledging the differences in males and females and working to determine what drives the poverty status of women (Jackson & Palmer?Jones, 1999). However, in some situations the opposite trend is observed. For example, in Pakistan, houses that are headed by females are significantly less likely to experience poverty than those headed by males. This trend was driven by the fact that the majority of female-headed households received remittances from the government, which helped them financially, while fewer male-headed households received this (Khalid & Akhtar, 2011). This indicates two things. The first is that the trend in Pakistan cannot be taking as evidence that females are faring better than males; rather, Pakistan is a special case, as most governments do not effectively address the problem of gendered poverty. Secondly, this suggests that it is possible for governments to focus on the genders differently to help balance this problem. Gendered poverty in America Although women have access to social services in the United States and are not restricted from working in paid industries, there is still a significant difference between poverty levels of males and females. In 2009, nine percent of the 1,000 households surveyed as part of the annual household food security report, indicated that they had low food security, and 5.7% considered themselves to have very low food security. Where children less than 18 years of age were present, 23.7% of households headed by a female (with no partner or spouse present) reported low food security, and 12.9% said they experienced very low food security. In contrast, of households that were led by males (with no partner or spouse present), 19.5% said that they had low food security and 8.3% had very low food security (Nord, et al., 2010). These results indicate that male-led households have a higher level of income, and thus food, and consequently are more food secure. An alternative explanation is that the levels of food insecurity were the same between genders, however, females were more likely to consider themselves food insecure than males. The second alternative does not appear to be likely, as when males and females were living alone the rates of food security were less than one percent different (Nord, et al., 2010). The pattern is also true when the poverty rate is directly considered. In families headed by females, the poverty rate is between three and four times that of families that are headed by males (Hoynes, et al., 2006). The consistency of these results across countries that have different social structures and opportunities suggest that the differences between male and female poverty are based on underlying differences between the genders. The following section examines the way that males and females differ from one another, and how this may affect the level of poverty, that each experiences. Males and females are different Different potentials There are a number of factors that affect a person’s ability to earn money that are stronger in females than males. One example of this is depression, which is a debilitating mental illness for which most people do not obtain adequate treatment. Worldwide, this is the leading cause of disability, and can cause functional impairment, to the extent that people are unable to work. More than five percent of Americans currently experience depression, and this is strongly influenced by age, race and gender. It is significantly more likely for females to have depression than for males (Pratt & Brody, 2008), and for most age groups, women are around twice as likely to develop depression as men (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001). Consequently, it is more likely that a woman will be hindered from working because of depression than a male as the result of depression. One of the major drivers of the poverty status of women is the fact that, on average, they earn less than men do. This means that they have less available to them when they are required to buy food, pay bills or perform other tasks, and consequently, it is more likely for a woman to live in poverty than a man. Likewise, on average a woman has to work more hours than a man to earn the same amount of money, which can lead to increases in stress and decreased time available for other activities. Women have made many great advances in the last few centuries towards obtaining equal opportunities in the employment market. However, even now there is still a substantial gender gap, meaning that women tend to earn less on average and have lower job prospects than males with the same abilities (Gneezy et al., 2009). This trend is particularly strong in management positions, and few women achieve the highest management positions available (Powell, 1990). There have been many different theories proposed for why women do not earn as much on average as males, but one suggestion is that they are not as competitive. Even in areas where a women is more capable than her male counterpart, the man is more likely to engage in potentially competitive activities. This is thought to occur because of the influences of society, as research indicates that in a matriarchal society, where females are the dominant gender, the reverse is true. In this situation, the female is more highly competitive than the males (Gneezy, et al., 2009). Most anecdotal evidences suggest that women and men behave differently. Emotions are more strongly associated with females, while aggressive tendencies are strongest in males. In modern society, such viewpoints are often considered sexist or inaccurate, and some researchers feel that any perceived differences in gender in management are the result of stereotypes rather than actual difference (Powell, 1990). However, research shows that there are significant differences in preferences and behavioral tendencies between males and females. For example, men tend to expose themselves to risk more often than females, and to be more competitive in the decisions that they make (Croson & Gneezy, 2009). This suggests that males may be more likely to seek a promotion when they are unsure whether they will get it, while a female may choose to remain in her current position as it is safer. Consequently, the behavioral differences between males and females affects their ability to earn as much as men. These observations reflect averages, and as such are not true for every male or female. For example, some females hold higher paying positions than males, or are more highly competitive than most or all of the males that they work with. Different roles Some research suggests that the differences in males and females poverty are not directly connected to gender, but rather to the roles that females play. This can be seen when the differences in food security are examined. Females suffer more than males from food insecurity when they are the head of a household, however, when they live on their own or share the responsibility with a spouse, this effect no longer occurs (Nord, et al., 2010). Research on poverty itself agrees with this perspective, indicating that families with children under 18 who are led by women suffer much higher from poverty than other types of families. This remains true regardless of race, residence or ethnic group (Snyder & McLaughlin, 2004). The role of women in the family is different from that of males. Even though many traditional expectations of women are maturing and changing, a large proportion of woman are involved not only in wage earning, but also in caring for children and doing the majority of domestic work in the house. This can result in women becoming ‘burnt out’, resulting in an increased prevalence of physical and mental problems (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001). This can decrease their ability to earn money, and consequently, is a driving factor towards women being more likely to life in poverty than men are. Thus, in a situation where a male and female live together, the male is likely to work outside of the home, while the female is often involved in household work and caring for the family as well as maintaining a paid job. Research shows that as a country develops, women begin to shift their priorities away from child raising and into the labor force. This results in an average increase in household income, and a decrease in the rate of population increase (Schultz, 2009). Consequently, it has been argued that childbearing is a direct contributor to poverty, especially in female-led families. In the United States, an attempt has been made to address this problem by the creation of a family-cap policy. This policy has been implemented in a number of states, and attempts to reduce the amount of children that are born into poverty. However, the policy has little effect on changing the behavior of females who live in poverty, and has not had an effect on the poverty rate in the states where it has been implemented (Romero & Agenor, 2009). Different decisions Men and women have different priorities, and as a consequence they tend to make different decisions when faced with the same choice. One way of determining decision-making is to isolate different factors of a decision. This allows the aspects of decision-making to be determined experimentally. For example, men and women can be given a range of questions concerning which decisions they would make, and from their answers, the differing tendency to take risks can be examined. One experimental study examined the way in which men and women differed in risk taking, competitive and social preferences. The authors found that women were less likely to take risks and were more adverse to competition than males. There was no overall difference in social tendencies, however women tended to be more situation-specific in their responses than males did (Croson & Gneezy, 2009). Variable stress responses Women respond to stress in different ways to males, and this is partially driven by the fact that they have little social power. In many relationships, the viewpoint of the female is irrelevant as the male exerts a dominant force. This occurs in part because females avoid competition (and hence conflict), and take risks less often than males (Croson & Gneezy, 2009). Depression is a significant factor that can inhibit the ability of people to work. This is particularly true in women, who are approximately twice as likely to become depressed as males (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001). Depression strongly interacts with poverty, and between the ages of 18 and 60 people are significantly more likely to be depressed if they are below the poverty level than if they are above it (Pratt & Brody, 2008). Because of this, women who end up below the poverty level have two factors working against them, giving them a higher likelihood of becoming depressed than males in a similar position. Additionally, it is easier for males to earn the money to rise above the poverty margin again, as on average they have a significantly higher wage than females (Gneezy, et al., 2009), seek competition more and take higher risks (Croson & Gneezy, 2009). Thus, these factors indicate that it is easier for men to return to a higher income than it is for females. Gendered poverty and sociology The prevalence of poverty in females has important implications for the way that society is considered and for the examination of poverty in general. It is often assumed that because males and females are equal in rights, that they also have identical abilities and opportunities. However, this is not the case. The research examined in this paper shows that there is a significant effect of gender not just on poverty, but also on the way in which people interact with each other and with society. Females tend to avoid competition and seek less risky ventures. Additionally, they are more often involved in the family and in housework, even when both a male and female are heading the household. Understanding the presence of these differences as well as what drives these is an important component of determining how males and females interact. At the beginning of this paper, the author considered that the lower average wages that females receive compared to males was the driving factor for the increased levels of poverty in females. However, the literature review revealed that this was one of many interrelated factors. The fact that the difference between genders was strongest when households with children were considered, indicated that women bore a significant cost when raising children. Future Research Poverty relief measures in the United States tend to address the genders equally and do not take into account the factors that may differ between males and females. Most research on the problem has been descriptive, focusing on whether poverty is truly different between genders. However, there is now enough evidence to say this is a significant problem, and the next step is to determine ways of assisting females to fare better financially. Research needs to examine the phenomena of gendered poverty in America in more depth, with the aim of determining ways of changing these trends. For example, one avenue of future research would be to examine what factors make it difficult for females to get high paying jobs, and what changes would make it easier for them to obtain these types of jobs. Another important aspect of future research would be to determine the role that females play in families, and the workload that is placed on them when they raise children on their own and when they have a partner. Conclusion On average, females are more likely to live in poverty than males, particularly when they are taking care of children. This is driven by a number of different aspects, including behavioral differences between males and females, differing roles, susceptibility to stressors and the ability of males and females to earn income. The study of gendered poverty shows that it is important not to assume that females and males are subject to the same stressors and possess identical abilities. Current approaches to poverty relief aim to treat the genders equally, however, this research suggests that females may need more assistance than males. Future research needs to address the drivers of this trend in more detail, and to determine effective ways of helping females to get out of poverty. References Croson, R., & Gneezy, U. (2009). Gender Differences in Preferences. Journal of Economic Literature, 47, 1-27. Gneezy, U., Leonard, K. L., & List, J. A. (2009). Gender Differences in Competition: Evidence from a Matrilineal and a Patriarchal Society. Econometrica, 77, 1637-1664. Hoynes, H. W., Page, M. E., & Stevens, A. H. (2006). Poverty in America: Trends and explanations. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20, 47-68. International Poverty Center. (2008). Gender Equality. In D. Ehrenpreis (Ed.), Poverty in Focus: International Poverty Center,. Jackson, C., & Palmer?Jones, R. (1999). Rethinking gendered poverty and work. Development and Change, 30, 557-583. Jacobsen, L. A., & Mather, M. (2011). Population Bulletin Update: A Post-Recession Update on U.S. Social and Economic Trends (pp. 1-5): Population Reference Bureau. 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