Possibilities to Prevent Famines - Essay Example

CAN FAMINES BE PREVENTED Can Famines Be Prevented Famines are complex processes which are as a result of the conglomeration of a myriad of factors in a given period of time (De Waal, 1989: 106). The effect of famine on households is varied and is usually a function of capacity to cope with adversity, level of preparedness, and resilience. It is often difficult to delineate clear causes and resultant consequences other than from the perspective of each case which makes the definition of where famine starts and stops a complex matter. The lack of a clear delineation is one of the major causes leading to severity of famines since interventions and mitigation are not put into action fast enough and if done they are usually tempered with politics and are normative (Watts, 1987: 78-9). Walker (1989: 5). defines famine is a significant increase in death resulting from starvation or starvation related disease over a given region It is usually hard to measure famine due to the fact that they typically happen in areas with erratic mortality rates that are poorly documented. There usually arise controversies over mortality incidences which arise from hunger related responses such as eating of poisonous food from the wild. Diseases such as cholera and typhoid which result from mass emigration of people in search of food and water coupled with the fact that epidemics may last for a long time after the actual food shortage is over. It is still debatable whether deaths resulting from gastric diseases, can be classified in the same category as death from starvation. It is important to note that even as famine is defined by mass mortality, in most instances interventions are usually too late. Interventions that are undertaken in order to prevent starvation are typically grouped under famine prevention, yet devoid of a particular phenomenon to respond to, achievement is usually under par. It is also important to make a distinction between relatively successful but last minute interventions and long term interventions for food security. The accurate definition of susceptibility to famine requires continuous appraisal of a myriad of aspects of people’s livelihoods which would be complicated (Deveraux, 2007: 95-7). Since famines occur unexpectedly and their definition is subject to subjective interpretation, it is in the province of the national government to make the declaration of famine (Edkins, 2000: 89-95). The World Food Program akin to all other UN agencies intervenes only upon invitation by state governments. However, governments usually have the tendency to deny famines until they have to acknowledge them which in most instances results to irreparable damage to many. State and regional susceptibility appraisal committees endeavor to address the problem through donor funded initiatives such as the Famine Early Warning System Network. Both of these initiatives however, primarily rely on rainfall measurement and crop production as opposed to social measurements. Susceptible people would more likely than not view famines from the perspective of sociopolitical causes for instance land grabbing, or by means used to continue economic and social oppression (Dreze and Sen, 1989:134-139). This perspective would thus make irrelevant the distinction between man made and natural famines. Famine is a combination of factors such as drought which causes food shortages due to political and market system failure (Von Braun et al, 1999: 67-76). The susceptibility of drought has also been exacerbated by human forces such as climate change and environmental degradation. Since the revolutionary work of Amartya K Sen in the early 80s, the focus of many scholars has been on the capability of households and individuals to have control over food as opposed to total food accessibility. This approach effectively shifts focus from the technological interventions to a technological issue and onto political and socioeconomic comprehension of causes of famine. An example of this is the development of commercial farming intended for the export market which makes smallholders more vulnerable due to being relegated to the poorest land. The effect of overpopulation is also an elemental factor in causing famine. Effects of HIV/AIDS usually have the reverse effect by making reduced populations more susceptible by striking out the most productive societal members. Emigration of the youth and able bodied people into urban centers in search of employment also strips local economies of much needed labor even if it increases food entitlement. As such famines may result from commonplace, simple economic or social processes. Since the 70s until the beginning of the millennium; most if not all famines were considered to be a function of political oppression or conflict. Sen (1981: 133-140) Crises in more recent times however point to the increasingly falling capacity of states to actively deal with disease, widening terms of trade and infrastructural gaps. Famines affect different societal groupings in different ways according to geographical area and their food entitlements. Different professional classes may be more susceptible to famine than others (Rau, 1991: 59-63). For instance, barbers may suffer during hardship since their services may be deemed non essential while laborers may move their trade to other areas in search of work. The coping strategies of different groups and individuals may determine their survival chances. Common responses to famine such as migration and crime usually result to increased rates of crime. Important knowledge concerning which wild foods can be consumed safely is also particularly low in areas less hit by famine, and this knowledge is decreasing everyday due to modernization and urbanization (Howe and Stephen, 2004: 98-101). Keen (1994: 163-76) asserts that mortality patterns lead to more confusion since mortality as a result of starvation related diseases are typically more than deaths from sheer starvation. Even as the probability of disease related mortality is increased by hunger, the chances of infection have a strong correlation with food intake. As such, the view of starving people is that survival is a matter of chance beyond human control. These people are therefore more likely to protect their long term interests as opposed to responding to long drawn out hunger by the maximization of consumption. This is exemplified in the fact that key assets used that are an economic mainstay such as cattle or land are rarely sold till famine crisis becomes very serious. Unessential and luxurious items such as jewelry and savings are usually the first to be disposed of, though this is complicated by diminishing prices as compared to food. In the recent past humanitarian agencies have endeavored to match intervention strategies to the coping strategies of the different groups for instance the provision of work closer to the people. It has however proven to be hard to target, manage and draw far more women than men, who tend to prefer working for immediate rewards. It remains important to take care in the discouragement of extreme behaviors since coping strategies may at times result to familial violence and divisions. Some coping strategies are also finite for instance a family may survive by the sale of its assets during one famine year but fail to survive a subsequent one due to lack of assets. Intervention strategies as such need to be fast enough in order to prevent the making of decision which will impact livelihoods. This calls for greater cooperation between developmental and humanitarian agencies in order to put forth sustainable long term measures against famine (Malthus, 1993: 48-54). It is also important to take into account the priorities of the intended beneficiaries. For instance the introduction of strategies which are considered to increase risk may be rejected even as they make household attain improved food production. A good example is the genetically modified food debate. Edkins (2000: 163-8) asserts that for intervention to be efficient there is a need to establish the bearer of primary responsibility. An ideal situation places this upon the government if it is capable and willing. In the real life situation, it is wrong to make the assumption that states will engage in formulating policies against famine and starvation, particularly in far-flung or politically marginalized regions. It is a proven fact that governments may allow famine conditions to develop in minority areas or in regions which support opposition parties. Many scholars now contend that politics play a greater role in famine intervention and mitigation policies than any other factor (Keen 1994: 122-7). Rau (1991: 78-85) asserts that The issue of famine prevention as such shifts to the issue of encouraging states to respect the UN Declaration of Human Rights which asserts the right of every person to sufficient food. This right needs to be entrenched in legislation such as is the case in South Africa and India which hold the state liable for failing to make famine intervention measures. The only obstacle to this approach is in the fact that it is only a meager 22 states which guarantee this in their constitutions even while they lack a clear enforcement framework. The International Criminal Court could present an effective arm of enforcement by making investigations into government responsibility in not preventing or mitigating famine. An alternative approach to this is the reliance on democracy and a free media to condemn governments which fail to put in place measures against famine. While the fear of loss of power may serve as a powerful motivator, it may be useless in instances of famine afflicting minorities. While this may be shocking, famines will not turn out to be the main issue in both the elections and the elector’s mind. It is also noteworthy that underfunded local media houses and the typically under informed international media are usually late in offering information on imminent famine in order to spark mitigation and prevention (Deveraux 2007: 89-91). It is however impractical to take away responsibility regarding famines away from the state since NGOs and humanitarian agencies may lead to an escalation of political problems associated with food security. A good example is Mugabe’s dispute of the report by FEWSNET warning of imminent famine in Zimbabwe. Bibliography De Waal, A. (1989). Famine That Kills. Oxford, England: Clarendon. Devereux, S. (2007). The New Famines: Why Famines Persist in an Era of Globalization. London: Routledge. Dreze, J., and Sen, A. (1989). Hunger and Public Action. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Edkins, J. (2000). Whose Hunger? Concepts of Famine, Practices of Aid. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Howe, P. and Stephen, D. (2004). "Famine Intensity and Magnitude Scales: A Proposal for an Instrumental Definition of Famine." Disasters 28(4):353-72. Keen, D. (1994). The Benefits of Famine: A Political Economy of Famine and Relief in Southwestern Sudan, 1983-1989. Oxford, England: Blackwell. Malthus, R. (1993). An Essay on the Principle of Population. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rau, B. (1991). From Feast to Famine: Official Cures and Grassroots Remedies to Africa’s Food Crisis. New Jersey: Zed Books Ltd. Sen, A. (1981). Poverty and Famines: Essays in Entitlement and Deprivation. Oxford, England: Clarendon. Von Braun, J., Teklu, T. and Webb P. (1999). Famine in Africa: Causes, Responses and Prevention. Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press. Walker, P. (1989). Famine Early Warning Systems: Victims and Destitution. London, UK: Earthscan Publications. Watts, M. ( 1987): Drought, environment and food security: Some reflections on peasants, pastoralists and commoditization in dryland West Africa, in Drought and Hunger in Africa: Denying Famine a Future, M. Glantz, ed., 171-211. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Read More