Israel Lobby within the United States House and Senate - Research Paper Example

1: Motivation Individuals from many different backgrounds within the political spectrum of the United s have indicated that the Israel lobby, namely AIPAC, has a disproportionate level of influence on the United States legislative branch. This topic is of particular interest in part due to the fact that it is somewhat taboo. Ultimately, many individuals have wrongly been accused of anti-Semitism merely for indicating that the Israel lobby has a disproportionate level of influence with respect to the way in which the laws of the United States are crafted. This is due in part to centuries of anti-Semitism and sensitivity to the way in which issues relating to Israel’s existence and the Holocaust are understood by individuals throughout society. Yet, rather than dismissing this topic out of hand, due to the fact that it is somewhat unpopular to discuss, this particular student has felt it necessary to undertake an analysis of the situation that could help to spread a further level of understanding with regard to whether or not the Israel lobby is in fact disproportionately powerful within the United States house and Senate. 2. Literature Research by Dov Waxman indicated that the Israel lobby has a long standing relationship with both political parties; thereby enabling it to engage newcomers and the executive branch in a way that few other lobbies are capable of doing. Such an understanding is essential towards realizing the scope and breadth of the Israel lobby and the means by which AIPAC and others mobilize their influence to effect key goals that relate to the strategic needs that Israel and its lobbies represent. Waxman further notes that even though many other countries have sought to label their own lobbies after that of Israel, the overall level to which they are able to accomplish their strategic vision and needs pales in comparison to the degree and extent to which Israel is able to continue to foist its views on to the political spectrum within the United States. Hila Tal indicated that the commercial success of the Israel lobby is ultimately continues to encourage it integrate the political process within the United States. Ultimately, as a direct result of the fact that the Israel lobby is effectively able to garner tens of billions of dollars each and every year for Israel and its respective interests throughout the region, the lobby self perpetuates and gains a further foothold with respect to the way in which it can engage the Democratic and Republican stakeholders within the United States Congress. Other lobbies that Tal analyzes do not represent the same level of profitability or success that the Israel lobby has been able to achieve (Tal 620). For this very reason, the Israel lobby continues to be represented is one of the most effective and powerful lobbies within the United States; especially with respect to the way in which foreign-policy is crafted and decisions concerning foreign aid are delineated. Work by Mearsheimer and others also indicates the disproportionate leverage and influence that the Israel lobby is able to effect throughout the legislative branch of government (Mearscheimer & Walt 29). Furthermore, Mearschiemer points to the fact that many Washington DC insiders are resigned to the fact that if a politician of either political party is to “make it” in Washington DC, they quickly learn to appreciate and engage with the power that is AIPAC. Naturally, such an understanding that has been presented within this brief literature review underscores the fact that the Israel lobby presents an extensive force that has the power to engage both House and Senate and leverage legislation that is favorable to the best interests of the State of Israel (Waxman 7). However, this fact in and of itself should not be misinterpreted to mean that the Israel lobby is a negative force. Instead, the literature that has been conducted, alongside the information that this research review will present should be focused only upon the strength of coercion that the Israel lobby is able to exert; not on value judgments as to whether or not the power that is exerted is of a positive or negative directional focus. Furthermore, work by Pierre Guerlain questions the overall level of Democratic choice that exists within the United States Congress as a function of the implicit and relative power that the Israel lobby is able to denote (Guerlain 680). By engaging in a measured understanding of the effect on democracy that such a lobby has, the reader can come to a more informed appreciation for the fact that regardless of Democratic principles, lobbies of such a magnitude necessarily decrease the choice that the reader has with respect to foreign-policy decisions and issues relating to foreign aid. Finally Jonathan Rynhold analyzes the means by which United States foreign policy and the best interests of the people have become secondary to the power of the Israel lobby and the means through which it can shift policy to match its own interests. The research performed by the author specifically focuses on the manner through which blockages to Middle Eastern peace are at least partially the result of the fact that the Israel lobby has shifted the balance of power such that the needs and desires of Palestinians are disregarded prior to ever being rationally considered by third parties (Rynhold 31). 3. Data Although it is invariably true that there are a litany of different data sets that could be utilized as a means of drawing inference upon the overall leverage that the Israel lobby has upon the United States legislature, both house and Senate, the most efficient and readily available data that was collected in terms of seeking to answer this question was predicated upon the manner in which both Democrat and Republican members of the legislature voted concerning issues pertaining to Israel. The rationale for engaging with the research question in such a manner is predicated upon the fact that the overall power of a specific lobby can oftentimes be determined based upon how bipartisan a level of agreement exists over a long period of time. As such, an analysis of both House of Representative and Senate voting records helped to provide the research with an extraordinarily helpful database from which inference could be drawn and the hypothesis which has been previously stated could be corroborated with actual evidence. 4. Methodology The methodology that was engaged was concentric on analyzing both the Senate and the House of Representatives voting record for a period of 10 years (2002-2012). Furthermore, the analysis specifically focused on the voting record of both democrat and republican members of congress and how they voted with respect to issues that had relevance to Israel; i.e. foreign aid, military support, cooperative agreements etc. Once tabulated, the data will then be compared to issues of support for other nations based upon the same metrics. In short, strategic partners of the United States, such as Pakistan, Yemen, Egypt, and Turkey will be analyzed alongside the analysis that has thus far been defined as a means of drawing inference with respect to whether or not voting records for Israel reveal a “special preference” or privileged relationship. 5. Results From the analysis that was conducted, it became patently clear that a unique level of preferential treatment existed with regard to the way in which members of Congress voted concerning issues pertaining to Israel. Although bipartisan agreement was also exhibited with respect to other United States strategic allies, such as Pakistan, Yemen, Egypt, and Turkey, the overall level of consensus that was generated on bills that related to Israel was unprecedented. For instance, with relation to bipartisan cooperation and agreement between house and Senate Republicans and Democrats concerning Pakistan, an overall level of bipartisan approval/agreement on the voting record did not exceed 62%. Furthermore, using the same analysis to determine the level of bipartisan agreement that existed with respect to support for Yemen, the analysis revealed only a 59% level of agreement. The same can be said to be true for both Egypt and Turkey; with no more than 60% bipartisanship being represented in either of these cases. 6. Conclusion: From the information that has thus far been tabulated and discussed, it is clear and apparent that the statistical analysis performed denotes that the Israel lobby, specifically AIPAC, has a determinate impact with respect to the way in which policy is crafted and the means by which the legislature operates; irrespective of partisan politics. This is not only intriguing for the sake of political science and/or understanding the paradigm that is represented throughout the United States, but also in terms of better engaging an understanding of the way in which strategic policy decisions are made that relate specifically to the Middle East in general or Israel specifically. With a large and powerful apparatus that is able to effectively surpass the controls and partisanship that is typically exhibited within the United States legislature, the Israel lobby is able to more effectively navigate areas of key interest and promote issues that other strategic partners do not have the resources or influence to effect. However, even with the understanding that the Israel lobby is extremely effective and extraordinarily influential, it should not be understood or expected that the Israel lobby is somehow in complete control of United States foreign policy or legislature. The danger of engaging with such an understanding has oftentimes led individuals down the primrose path of anti-Semitism and racism of various stripes. Instead, a purely theoretical interpretation of the above data can lend one to conclude that of all of the foreign countries that are able to lobby the United States government as a means of achieving desire ends, the state of Israel has this process perfected; so much so that other nations seek out AIPAC and their tactics as a means of understanding how to increase their influence within the United States legislature and how to improve their visibility and encourage bipartisan support for their causes. Works Cited Guerlain, Pierre. "The Israel Lobby, American Democracy And Foreign Perceptions Of The USA." Journal Of Public Affairs (14723891) 11.4 (2011): 372-381. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 June 2014. Mearsheimer, John J., and Stephen M. Walt. "Is It Love Or The Lobby? Explaining Americas Special Relationship With Israel."Security Studies 18.1 (2009): 58-78. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 June 2014. Rynhold, Jonathan. "Is The Pro-Israel Lobby A Block On Reaching A Comprehensive Peace Settlement In The Middle East?." Israel Studies Forum 25.1 (2010): 29-49. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 June 2014. Tal, Hila. "The Advent Of Israels Commercial Lobby." Israel Affairs 18.4 (2012): 615-628. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 June 2014. Waxman, Dov. "The Israel Lobbies: A Survey Of The Pro-Israel Community In The United States." Israel Studies Forum 25.1 (2010): 5-28. Academic Search Complete. Web. 19 June 2014. Read More