Political Movements and Theory of Participation - Case Study Example

Political Movements By student’s name Course code+ name Professor’s name University name City, state Date of submission Introduction A political movement refers to a social group consisting of people with collective challenges and a common purpose which is of a political nature either within the national, regional or the international scope (Metz 2014, 5). The modern political movements came into being with the rise of modern states. These movements were formed as a way to press for certain reforms or changes. Political movements seek basic social, economic and political transformations which are major concerns for the people. Generally, the role of political movements is to promote social and political transformations with the objective of achieving social justice, equity and democracy (Karat 2004, 1). Political movements mostly arise from the relationship between the government and the governed. The extent to which political movements promote participation can only be determined on a case by case basis. Political movements can in certain circumstances be the vehicles that allow people to air their grievances to the government or to the elites, who in most cases are in the government (Rochira 2011, 13). In such circumstances, these movements promote the representation of the interest of the people. In cases such as the case of Egypt, political movements, whether based on religion or other ideologies, have been at the forefront in revolutions. While political movements can be used to champion certain interests or agenda, they can also be used to block policies and ideologies which are against the interests of the people. In some cases, political movements can work against the representation of the people. This occurs where such movements are based on an individual’s or group’s ideology. In such circumstances, such a movement is used as a way to protect the political interests of the individual or the group as opposed to the interests of the citizens (Rootes 1990, 9). Such movements end up being vehicles for the protection of the interests of the elite. The Theory of Participation Participation is a key ingredient of democracy. Participation refers to the ability of the citizens or the people to be involved in the political affairs and decision-making. Rousseau defined a participatory process as one where the citizens can assemble as equal and independent individuals to push for policies, laws and ideologies that favor them both at as individuals and collectively as groups (Pateman 1970, 23). To achieve a system where citizens participate in governance and where the interests of the people are protected, Rousseau stated that it is necessary to have a society where there is economic equality. Rousseau further explained this to mean that since it is not possible to have absolute equality, it is sufficient to have a society where no person is poor enough to sell himself and none is rich enough to buy another (Pateman 1970, 23). Other than being independent, there is also the need for the people to be interdependent for an effective participatory system. Such conditions ensure that during voting, every person votes the policy that is beneficial to them as it is beneficial to others. The process of participation is necessary to ensure that there is political equality. Participation ensures that the general will carries the day such that public interest is protected as well as individual rights and interests (Metz 2014, 4). According to Rousseau, participation must serve two purposes. First, participation must enable citizens take part in decision-making. This means that they have to be involved in the process. Second, participation must protect private interests by ensuring that there is a good government. Participation in the true sense, therefore, must enable citizens take part in the formation of a government and in the decision-making process to ensure that their interests are protected (Pateman 1970, 24). Other than the two functions, participation must increase the value of the freedom of the individual. This is interpreted to mean that the process of participation must achieve the ultimate goal which is to ensure that no person becomes the master of another. Every person must be independent. However, it also requires that all persons be equally dependent on each other. Once the people learn to depend on each other, it becomes easy for each person to accept the decisions made collectively (Pateman 1970, 27). The Extent to which Political Movements Foster Participation The need for political/social movements in the historical times and in the contemporary world is based on the social movement theory. According to the early social movement theorists, social movements are made up of three basic properties namely extremism, deprivation and violence. These properties were derived from the French and Industrial Revolutions (Tarrow 2011, 4). The changing face of the social movement theory in the contemporary society has led to the redefinition of the components of social movements. According to the theory, social movements are based on a collective challenge. People form social/political movements based on common challenges. These movements mount challenges through disruptive means against authorities and elites. Social movements are also based on a common purpose. People come together to mount common claims against authorities and other opponents. Social movements must also be able to sustain collective action. The ability to sustain collective action transforms a contentious episode into a social movement. This is done through riots, rebellions and demonstrations (Pichardo 1997, 415). Another important aspect for social movements, according to the social movement theory, is solidarity. The participants need to recognize their common interests that enable the movement to participate in collective action (Morris and Herring 2007, 23). Leaders of social movements have to tap into the feelings of identity or solidarity to have people to join their course and to associate with the agenda of the movement. Such identity can arise from, for example, religion, nationalism or ethnicity. The common devotion or the identity becomes the basis for the movement or the organization (Tarrow 2011, 4). The Roma Case Study Roma are believed to have migrated from India and settled in Europe. The Romani history is characterized by, among other things, persecution and marginalization. The arrival of Roma in Europe was a new experience for the Europeans. Their dark skin and hair and their colourful clothes stood out in their new home. At first, their arrival was treated with acceptance and curiosity due to the differences that existed between them and the Europeans. However, the acceptance of Roma was not long-lasting. From the early sixteenth century, Roma became victims of persecution and enslavement. In the course of their history, Roma were banished from almost all European states (McGarry 2010, 11). European states enacted hostile legislations against Roma where some states imposed death on any person who was Romani. Though there was no formal consensus among the European states to treat Roma with cruelty and brutality, the spread of the hate and dislike against Roma seemed as if it had been organized. Even though there are states such as Hungary that offered better treatment for Roma compared to others, they were still victims of barbaric punishments for crimes committed. There were false accusations of cannibalism and rape directed against Roma which were never proven though the community was punished for them. In Germany where at first Roma was treated with good will and was supported by the church, negativity arose against the community based on allegations of theft and swindles that marked the passage of Roma. As a result, the authorities in Germany, with the support of the church, passed hostile laws which restricted Roma’s activities (McGarry 2010, 17). The Holocaust where between 250,000 to 1.5 million Roma died was the climax for the hostility against Roma. The prevalence of communism in Europe offered protection for Roma. Under communism, Roma were not officially discriminated against because such antagonism was prohibited. However, after the collapse of communism, there was the emergence of hostility and violence directed at Roma. This new era also presented new opportunities for Roma with the establishment of the Romani Movement. The Romani Movement The establishment of the Romani Movement was as a result of the flourishing of Roma organizations and the emergence of prominent elite and intellectuals who had decided to embrace their Romani identity in the post-communism period. The movement comprised of various non-governmental organizations which attempted to re-evaluate Roma’s past and redefine its minority identity by rejecting stigmatized names and the violence against Romani masses (Pitkin 1972, 25). The movement was united by a common purpose which was to end the discrimination and injustice perpetrated against Roma. The movement, with the support of international organizations and NGOs directed the international community to the poor living conditions and the violence directed at Roma to address the injustices. As a result, there was an increased attention of the issues facing Roma in the international community As a result, there were policies passed the EU requiring member states to be more accommodating of minorities (McGarry and Agarin 2014, 5). The social movement theory places significant attention on the importance of identity in social movements (Cross 2011, 7). For the Romani Movement, the fact that the affected parties were all Roma gave them a common identity whether they were the members of the elite group of Roma or not. The movement led to the debate of promoting Roma political representation at the national and international levels. The debate has led to the rise of representatives who speak on behalf of Roma. The fact that Roma are minorities has been disadvantageous to them since history. However, with the new concept of representation in political and other forums, the plight of Roma is aired not only at the national level but in the whole of the European Union and the entire world (Vermeersch 2006, 191). The Link between the Romani Movement and Participation There are questions that have arisen about the legitimacy of Roma representatives due to the lack of elections that enables Roma to choose their representatives of choice. This has been attributed to the infrequent elections and the declining voter turnout of Roma. To some, this may seem like the lack of participation especially regarding the governed. However, there is no doubt that the Romani Movement has been of great importance in promoting participation. Prior to the establishment of the movement, the voice of Roma was never considered in political, economic or social matters but rather Roma was treated with scorn. However, with the rise of the Romani Movement, Roma can speak out about their conditions of living and their participation in political matters through their representatives. Through their participation with the aid of their representatives, Roma, though a minority community, are recognized regionally and internationally (Pitkin 1972, 5). The Arab Uprising The authoritarian order of the Arab Middle East has been shaken by the rise of revolutions in several countries. These revolutionary trends in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Yemen, Bahrain and Syria have cast doubt into the durability of authoritarianism and the ability of autocratic rulers to maintain the status quo (Fawaz 2013, 1). Despite the differences of these uprisings, a common characteristic is the fact that they all pushed for empowerment, dignity, social justice and the end of the tenure for presidents-for-life. The increase in collective actions such as riots, songs and slogans was indicative of the fact that the people wanted to be free from oppression and want and also equality. The push for the ousting of these autocratic government systems was relentless leading to the use of force by the ruling regimes to quiet the demonstrators. However, such use of force against the citizens resulted in the transformation of peaceful revolts to armed struggles (Fawaz 2013, 1). The political movements that resulted in the above countries defied ethnic, religion and other differences and brought together the oppressed against the oppressors. In countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, men and women, Christians and Muslims, the poor and the young revolutionaries all came together united by a common purpose which was to remove the entrenched authoritarian leaders from power (Ottaway and Hamzawy 2011, 11). The divide and rule tactics of those in power did not gain much success as the citizens were united from all folds. In Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Bahrainis and Syria, the revolts resulted from the poor economic conditions as well as living standards of the people. The fact that the autocratic leaders had turned these states to being run and controlled by families and capitalists as opposed to the people further fuelled these uprisings (Fawaz 2013, 9). The popular uprisings that started in Tunisia set the stage for major political changes in Arab states. The uprisings were spearheaded by political movements that called for social mobilization against the ruling regimes (Beinin and Frederic 2011, 26). The revolt in Egypt was not a sudden event but rather was as a result of many elements that had been building up over against Mubarak’s leadership. These elements gave activists an opportunity to begin social mobilization against the government (El-Ghobashy 2011, 1). Jurists and journalist warned of the building rage against the Mubarak administration and denounced the administration’s subversion of the rule of law. The result of this rage was the establishment of the Muslim Brotherhood as the movement that spearheaded the removal of the autocratic government. The use of fear and segmentation was a popular tool by Mubarak’s administration in an attempt to weaken the influential movement. The officials of the Muslim Brotherhood were arrested and the operations of the movement halted as a way of reducing its influence in the country. The use of force and torture through police brutality which was meant to instill fear in people had the opposite effect which led to the rallying of more Egyptians against the government (Fawaz 2013, 16). As a result of social mobilization, Egyptians liberated the streets from the occupation forces of Mubarak’s regime. Parliament was also publicly acquired which was followed by branding of goods. The pressure mounted by the revolution led to the end of Mubarak’s regime and the end of autocratic leadership in Egypt (Lynch 2013, 18). Conclusion One of the distinct features of the political movements formed to liberate Roma and the Arab states such as Egypt and Tunisia is the fact that these movements were formed as a result of the need to end social injustice and to promote equality and freedom. Roma were discriminated against by the Europeans, tortured and killed while the Arab states were reacting to autocratic rulers who had turned the nations to be under the control of capitalists and the families of the rulers other than the people. In both case studies, political movements were used as vehicles for liberation as the people rebelled against their oppressors. Based on these case studies it is clear that political movements foster participation. Participation enables the people to take part in decision-making. In both case studies the people were denied of their right to participate in political decision-making and were oppressed. Through the political movements, the people regained their ability to take part in matters of governance. This meets the requirement set out by Rousseau concerning the participatory theory. References Beinin, J and Frederic V 2011, “Introduction: Beyond classical social movement theory,” In Social Movements: Mobilization and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa, 1-23, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Cross, R 2011, Radicalism within the context of social movements: Processes and types, Journal of Strategic Security, 4(4), 1-18. 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