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Ostpolitik And Its Influence Between The US And USSR - Essay Example

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This essay discusses that Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik in the 1960’s is credited with the opening of the Federal Republic of Germany towards Central and Eastern Europe. It influenced the politics between Western Allies and Europe, offered prospects of negotiations between the US and the Soviet Union…
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Ostpolitik And Its Influence Between The US And USSR
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OSTPOLITIK AND ITS INFLUENCE ON NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE US AND USSR Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik in the 1960’s is credited with the opening of Federal Republic of Germany towards Central and Eastern Europe. It also greatly influenced the politics between Western Allies and Europe and offered prospects of further negotiations between the US and Soviet Union. The aims of Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik was to overcome but not undo the status quo between West Germany and East Germany following the division of Germany after World War 2. Rather than immediate reunification, Ostpolitik was concerned with developing a healthy diplomatic relations between the Soviet and Allied controlled states, aimed at both territories recognising each other not as two separate nations, but instead two states (Viault 1990). One of the hurdles Ostpolitik needed to overcome was the Hallstein Doctrine which was a Federal Republic of Germany created foreign policy that gave absolute right for West Germany to speak for all of Germany. Further, the policy stated that West Germany would refuse to maintain relations with any nation that recognized Soviet controlled East Germany. In order to weaken this policy, East Germany attempted to develop relations with recently colonized nations in the southern hemisphere. The Hallstein Doctrine was first applied to Yugoslavia which recognised the GDR in 1957 but relations were reinstated in 1968 after Ostpolitik. With Ostpolitik and the opening up of negotiations between the western nations of Europe and the Eastern bloc nations, the Hallstein Doctrine was eventually abandoned. This policy had also resulted in a stagnation of relationships between Germany and the East European nations. In order to reduce tensions, Brandt and his foreign affairs minister Walter Scheel attempted to initiate talks with the communist states. No high level meeting between the Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic had ever taken place since 1948. Since Brandt did not acknowledge the existence of GDR as a state, talks failed to find an agreement. Soon after, the FGR formulated policy goals with the US after which they established a treaty with the Soviet Union to stabilize relations. One of the measures to do this was to abandon the use of force in any dispute and resolve issues by diplomatic negotiations. The other element of Brandt’s Ostpolitik was the recognition of the Oder-Neisse Line as the actual border between Poland and Germany. This border meant Poland took some of German territory thereby displacing millions of Germans from this area (Pittman 1992). The effect of Ostpolitik was that displaced East Germans were able to make visits to Poland and reunite with family and friends. The treaty did not change the duties of the four powers governing Germany and maintained the commitment of West Germany towards future unification. Brandt’s Ostpolitik also aimed at improving relations with the Soviet Union and Poland but this policy created divisions among the people. Two camps with opposing views on Ostpolitik had formed. The policy was especially unpopular among the victims of ethnic cleansing in East Germany who decried it as illegal. Moscow too was sceptical about openings between West and East Germany and wanted to control it (Wolf 1999). The other camp commended the policy as creating change through rapprochement or a process of developing healthy relations rather than maintaining seclusion. The process of rapprochement was aided by socialist government expectations that a West German Social Democratic management would comprehend the situation more. Ostpolitik did encourage the gradual waning of the siege mindset present with East Germany and improve the recognition of the economic system operating within each state. Ostpolitik also differed ardently with social democrats and conservatives. When the soviets agreed to open negotiations on the Berlin situation, the Treaty of Moscow was signed and this led to policies of openness in other soviet bloc nations. After a round of complex talks, the Treaty of Warsaw was signed in December 1970. Its details were similar to the Treaty of Moscow on the issue of the Oder-Neisse Line and an abandonment of territorial rights. The treaty also reasserted the continuing duties of the four powers governing Germany. In September 1971, the Four Power Agreement was formed to cease disputes about the Berlin question. The negotiations started off uneasily because both the Soviets and the Western Allies were at odds on Berlin’s status but when they decided not to alter its status quo unilaterally, both sides made some headway. The Soviets granted two key dispensations. One was that there would be unrestricted movement of traffic in and out of West Berlin. The second concession was that the Soviets would acknowledge the current links between FRG and West Berlin. They did maintain that West Berlin should not be deemed a territory of the FRG and hence not be controlled by it. The Four Power Agreement entrusted both the GDR and West Berlin governments with an agreement that would police passage between West Berlin and FRG entitling citizens of West Berlin to travel to the GDR and East Berlin. Both the governments of the GDR and West Berlin were able to create an accord called the Transit Agreement in May 1972 thereby regulating admission across the divide. The success of the Transit Agreement encouraged both the FRG and the GDR to seek a more far-reaching treaty that would solve most of the problems and iron out the differences between both the German states. After commencement of negotiations in August 1972, a Basic Treaty was agreed upon and signed in December 1972. This treaty aimed at normalizing relations between the two states with each mutually recognising and accepting each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Both states would be considered equal and the borders between them would be respected. In the end, under Brandt’s Ostpolitik the FGR was prepared to ratify the regional status quo in Eastern Europe and establish political relations with the other European states (Stent 2003). With the Basic Treaty and West Germany’s recognition of East Germany as a state meant that the Hallstein Doctrine had failed and it seemed like the end for the plans for the reunification of Germany (Kissinger 1995). Opposition from certain quarters claiming that the treaty was unjust was rejected by the Federal Constitutional Court which regarded the treaty as complying with the stipulations in the Basis Law. In June 1973, the UN accepted the GDR and FRG as its newest members as a consequence of the treaty. While many countries around the world supported Brandt’s Ostpolitik, the US was uneasy about it. There were fears that the FRG might gradually strengthen and slip into the Eastern bloc by trying to unify. The US government gave the West Germans the sense that Germany’s situation was moving along smoothly while at the same time endeavouring to maintain the status quo. The Nixon administration was unconvinced about Brandt’s Ostpolitik and a firm stance on Germany was difficult to achieve. Kissinger eventually accepted the US’s limited authority on the détente in Germany but did attempt to influence it through talks over Berlin’s status. Nixon’s acceptance of the détente was motivated by tactical reasons rather than to develop a relationship with the Soviets (Gates 2004). Although the US cast doubts on Ostpolitik, its ramification were felt long afterwards. The US felt that more comprehensive dialogue with the Soviets was possible and during the period the two superpowers went through a phase of cooperation. Yet the cold war refused to go away. Their rivalry influenced global politics with each attempting to insert their ideology in European and other nations around the world. States which were not directly united with either the US or Soviets started the Non-aligned movement but were pawns in the hands of the superpowers who tried to win their support though economic and military aid. Despite the competition between the superpowers, negotiation between the US and the Soviets improved in the era of détente which was occurring as a result of Brandt’s Ostpolitik. Increased cooperation led to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) in 1972 and 1974 where both powers initiated a long process spanning decades of reducing their military armaments. Ostpolitik was a precursor to the Helsinki Accords where the US and the Soviet Union along with 32 other European nations, recognized the legitimacy of existing territorial borders of Eastern Europe. Brandt’s Ostpolitik was therefore very influential in changing world politics and opening negotiations between the US and USSR. References 1. About the USA. 2006. History of German-American Relations > 1956-1988 - The Maturing Partnership. Retrieved 20th Nov 06 from http://usa.usembassy.de/garelations5688.htm 2. Encyclopaedia Britannica 2006. Ostpolitik and Reconciliation. Retrieved 21st No 06 from http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-58218/Germany 3. Gates, Robert M. 2004. From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War. Touchstone p.30 4. German Culture. 2006. Ostpolitik. Retrieved 20th Nov 06 from http://www.germanculture.com.ua/library/history/bl_ostpolitik.htm 5. ibibilo 1993. Cold War: Post war Estrangement. Retrieved 18th Nov 06 from http://www.ibiblio.org/expo/soviet.exhibit/coldwar.html 6. Kissinger, Henry. 1995. Diplomacy. Simon & Schuster. p.735 7. Pittman, Avril 1992. From Ostpolitik to Reunification: West German-Soviet Political Relations since 1974 (Cambridge Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies) Cambridge University Press. p.5 8. Stent, Angela E. 2003. From Embargo to Ostpolitik: The Political Economy of West German-Soviet Relations, 1955-1980. Cambridge University Press p.5 9. Viault, Birdsall S. 1990. Modern European History. McGraw-Hill. p.525 10. Wolf, Markus. 1999. Man Without A Face. The Autobiography of Communism’s Greatest Spymaster. Public Affairs. p.245 Read More
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