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Topic: Globalization human rights Where human rights can be used a propaganda force that masks the economic exploitation inherent in relations between advanced and developing nations in neo-liberalism, Shanon Speed discusses this in “Rights in Rebellion” by noting also the positive ways that the human rights frameworks can be used in organizing a solidarity movement. Solidarity was a very large aspect of the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, and the altruistic nature of international civil society and the morally-aware individual was one basis of this appeal.
For example, in building a critical awareness of the issues as posed by the Zapatistas internationally through solidarity, the local indigenous groups could participate in the dialog and discussion of issues globally in a manner that was not possible before due to structural non-inclusion. (Speed, 2007) In a sense, through this movement and its reflection in international solidarity, the Mayan indigenous voice was heard as a critique to modern neo-liberalism for the first time, and in a way that was constructive to the development of economic and social policy internationally.
(Speed, 2007) This occurred locally through organizations that were internationalized on the basis of humanitarianism and the human rights frameworks as advocated by the UN. These HR frameworks included a historical dialog between the recognition of the rights of developing nations economically and could also be addressed in the critique by pointing out the inherent hypocrisy and double standards in application by hegemonic powers. Awareness of this could also lead to change in local politics internationally and reform of policy in institutions as a larger number of individuals and groups understood the issues of the indigenous peoples themselves.
(Speed, 2007) Human rights frameworks can be used as a basis for appeal, for example in prioritizing indigenous issues internationally and leading to a policy change in national politics in Mexico. (Speed, 2007) Simultaneously, a critique born from indigenous experience and Mayan cultural identity could also be a powerful voice in international civil society. In advancing their critique, the Zapatistas highlighted the historical narrative of imperialism that led to the modern position of indigenous Mayan tribes, creating a moral awareness in the advanced economic societies themselves that led to reform of institutions and critical organizations.
Furthermore, local Zapatista and indigenous community governance organizations pointed to a new vision of small-scale democracy and autonomy that uniquely critiqued the modern State and its illusion of democracy. (Speed, 2007) The power of the Zapatista movement was seen in solidarity with other national liberation movements that were based in indigenous identity, but also with social justice and humanitarian reform groups that sought a more non-violent and egalitarian social order reflective of multiculturalism in the post-modern era through activism.
To a large degree, the collectivist and individualist human rights represented in international frameworks is representative of the broader ideals shared by these groups. The frameworks as a basis of judgment or for the construction of an ideal of justice in civil society internationally could also represent a common basis of appeal or reference document to communicate what was missing in the indigenous experience. If these rights were to be honestly considered as the basis of human civilization, serious attention would need to be given to examples where they were structurally denied to cultures based on imperial patterns.
If not, the very same social contract that these human rights were based on could be used to invoke the validation for the revolutionary creation of autonomous indigenous governance councils. For example, if the national government of Mexico gave no attention or funding to the economic and social development of indigenous groups historically, and they in turn preferred to preserve their own local autonomy on traditional lands and villages, who really governed these areas? The State as represented by the Army in Chiapas clearly represented interests of groups other than the indigenous peoples themselves who had no interest in providing or even accepting human rights as standards in indigenous communities.
If the Maya suffered genocide culturally while these human rights frameworks were developed, how could they be of value? Similarly, if the human rights guaranteed in international charters were never to be applied equally as standards of living in indigenous communities, civil society must either reform or accept that these are empty words and propaganda only. Thus, a moral recognition of these issues and an understanding of the political context could create activism in individuals from all cultures on a shared basis of solidarity.
Sources Cited: Speed, Shannon. Rights in Rebellion: Indigenous Struggle and Human Rights in Chiapas. Stanford University Press, 2007.
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