Female Sex Offenders - Essay Example

Online Child Abuse by Female Offenders A growing area of concern in criminology is the use of the internet to perpetuate criminal activity. Perhaps one of the most disturbing uses for the internet is as a predatory tool by sex offenders to target children and the underage as part of sexual deviance. Previously, the use of the internet to target vulnerable individuals has been considered an almost wholly male activity, with female sex offenders receiving less attention by the media and conventional academic literature alike. However, this is a false representation of the crime, as women are also likely to use the internet as a tool for sex crime, and thus represent a danger (Elliott, 1994). The purpose of this research is to examine the use of the internet as a tool for sexual predation, particularly by women. Following a literature review on the topic, 50 participants from the North-East of England to examine how much of a danger female sex offenders are perceived to be in the context of cyber-crime. Critical Review Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) established that females do indeed use the internet to target children as part of a sex offence. However, the area has not received much attention, and therefore there can be a taboo about female sex offenders and it can be difficult for criminal investigations to come to a solid conclusion, as the area is poorly understood. Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) describe the use of the internet by female sex offenders as an ‘emerging problem’ (p1) which needs to be addressed in a criminological manner to fully understand the consequences and significance of the problem. It is perhaps important to define what constitutes child abuse in an electronic manner to fully understand the context of the article. Child sexual abuse in a cybercrime context can include (but is not limited to) sharing and downloading of sexual photography of underage individuals, the use of explicit language in chat rooms and through other online media, and the approaching of minors with the aim of starting a sexual relationship in the ‘real world’ (Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor, 2010, p2). The internet allows these activities to be conducted with a degree of secrecy, which means that children are often more at risk of these activities online than they are in the ‘real world’, although the effects may be just as damaging. The research involved in the work of Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) consisted of an exploratory method involving collection of qualitative data from open interviews with 15 female sex offenders post-arrest. These interviews were all conducted within a five-year period. Additional information was used from a previous study concerning online sex offenders in the context of policing these crimes. As the interviews relied on questioning by the Metropolitan Police, some of the answers required detail of a descriptive and sometimes explicit nature. Evidently, it is difficult for the interviewers and researchers to maintain an objective stance, simply because the activities described are so controversial in nature. However, the researchers suggested that the information gathered did not need objectivity in the traditional sense, as most types of qualitative research of this format are impossible to conduct in a mechanical format. Evidently, there are a number of problems with the methodology of the research. Firstly, the use of 15 participants means that the results may be too specific and lack generalizability, plus there may be some bias present as part of the use of a small number of females from a limited geographical area. The researchers do address this, but claim that the aim of the research is not to draw strong conclusions about female sex offenders but to offer an understanding on how the internet may be used as a tool for these individuals. The aim of the research is also to understand the mechanisms behind female sex abuse in a cyber-context, and therefore the limited pool of participants does not detract from the validity of the research in this way. Additionally, the interviews did not follow a set structure, which may be unhelpful in some analyses, but as the context of each of the participants criminal activity differs so wildly, it is important to allow free conversation to gather the most important information. As such, the use of open interviews is probably the most relevant tool available in this context. As to the results of the study, several interesting pieces of information were found. Firstly, it was seen as inherently problematic to the current mind-set that women would abuse children. Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) suggest that women are stereo-typed as being caregivers or victims of sexual abuse, and the perception of a woman sexually abusing a child is ‘doubly disturbing’ (p5). Women were also assumed to be coerced into deviant sexual activity by a male acting in the background, but 75% of women convicted were suspected of acting alone. The female sex offenders interviewed also suggested that, similar to males, they did not realise that the images from the internet were of a ‘real’ person, and that the possession of these could harm another person. Denial was another big part of the responses given, as it is with male sex offenders. For example, one woman suggested that she ‘hated it’ (taking pictures of her children) (p6) but she was forced into it by an online partner. She felt she had to take indecent pictures of her children to keep this man interested. Whilst this may be true in this individual case, Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) suggest that this may be relying too much on female stereotypes and too easily believed by the prosecution, purely because of the stigma surrounding female sex offenders. Another interesting issue raised by the research is that perhaps because of their stereotyped role as caregivers, women may find it easier to sexually abuse children, both online and in the ‘real world’. It is suggested that children not only trust women more than men, but women have a more privileged access to children and therefore may actually be more involved in child-related sexual offenses than previously mentioned. The researchers again suggest that it is important not to generalise these incidences, because they all have different reasons and motivations for participating in the abuse, but the research does provide some interesting evidence on the topic of female online sex offenses. Literature Review Female Sex Offenders Female sex offenders are nothing new, and are not just limited to the internet. It is currently suggested that 1-2% of all sex offenders are female (Vandiver & Walker, 2002), although this may be due to the fact that female sex offenders are seen as an unlikely phenomenon by the public and legal proceedings alike (Elliott, 1994). Vandiver & Walker (2002) examined 40 female sex offenders from the state of Arkansas, and found that many of the typical features of female sex offenders differed from those of the male. Females are, for example, more likely to be Caucasian than male sex offenders. The females in this study were also 31 as an average age of first offense, younger than their male counterparts. Many of the motivations were different, and as in Martellozzo, Nehring & Taylor (2010) we see that coercion and force by a male is the major reason given for participating in the offense. Again, this is a fairly small sample size from a limited geographical area, but it does again throw up some interesting conclusions about female sex offenders in general, and perhaps the need to define a new typology to assist in catching these criminals. Elliott et al (2010) identified four main vulnerabilities associated with female sex offenders, which is useful for developing a criminological profile for these individuals. Using a sample of 43 females who had been convicted on sex offences, the study used psychological tests to identify these factors. The four vulnerability factors identified were low levels of inter-personal functioning, such as low self-esteem, offense-support cognitions, such as perceiving children as sexual beings, emotional self-regulation, such as perceiving themselves to be pad parents, and low levels of sexual self-regulation. These can all be used to define a thorough typology that is separate from the typical male. Although the participant size is, again, very small and generalizations must be made carefully, it does throw up some interesting results. Further interesting results on the characteristics of female sex offenders comes from Johansson-Love & Fremouw (2009). On another small study of 31 sex offenders, several distinctions were found between these females and their male counterparts. For example, female sex offenders were less likely to have problems with alcohol and substance abuse. They were also less likely to admit guilt. Interestingly, female sex offenders were more likely to be biologically related to their victim and less discriminatory about their gender, which suggests a higher likelihood that a female will sexually abuse their children. Although this study was not aimed at specifically investigating the mechanisms behind female sex abusers and their use of online technologies, it does throw up some interesting information about female sex offenders. Female Sex Offenders and the Internet Elliott & Ashfield (2011) examined the specific use of online technology by female sex offenders in more detail. Taking evidence from anonymous responses from clinical cases of female sex offenders, the research examined the context and behaviours of these offenders. Interestingly, this study suggests that female sex offenders occupy 4-5% of the demographic, much higher than the suggestion made by Vandiver & Walker (2002). The time elapsed between the publishing of these two studies is also the era of extreme increases in internet usage (Elliott, 1994), and therefore there may be some link between the increase in female sex offenders as they may be more likely to participate in sex offences using the internet. One of the most interesting results of the research of Elliott & Ashfield (2010) is the assertion that females also have specific cognitive assertions about children and sex, but they are likely to be slightly different from males. For example, many female respondents believed that children could initiate sex, particularly in an online context. The reason that many females may turn to the internet to meet their sexual needs was theorized to be a result of the fact that males were perceived as being more threatening, and using the internet gave women a safe place to divulge their sexual interests. Robertiello & Terry (2007) asserted that online sex offender typologies can generally not be applied to female sex offenders using the same medium. Female sex offenders are more likely to offend at a young age, but are less likely to have offended prior to adulthood. This research also suggests that they are more likely to admit to their behaviour. It has been asserted by Mathews, Matthews & Speltz (1989) that there are three main types of female sex offender, which are teacher/lover, male coerced and predisposed, and these three types are applied in this research and were found to be applicable to online sex offenses. In women, the sex offense is usually part of a desire for a loving sexual interaction, which is distinct from the behaviours found in males. Additionally, females were slightly more likely to commit child-related sex offenses as a result of their own abuses, but these were not necessarily a part of their childhood. This study was based on previous research, so the study size was larger than those previously conducted. Social networking is becoming increasingly important in modern societies, and offers new opportunities to sex offenders, male and female. Mitchell et al (2010) studied a large number of cases of social networking sexual abuse, with 16 of the individuals (5%) being female. Around half of these used social networking as part of their sexual offense. It was suggested that social networking sites are not the biggest dangers for youth in this context (with chat rooms being statistically more significant) but still pose a valid danger. Perhaps the most interesting finding from the study is that grooming via social networking sites was more likely to follow through into a ‘real life’ sexual relationship. There was a huge amount of diversity in the crimes against young people using social networking, including using them to communicate with the victim, using the site to access photos and videos of the victim, and attempts to contact the friends of the victim for similar purposes. This shows the diversity of the crimes, and illustrates part of the struggle for policymakers and law enforcement when it comes to dealing with online crimes. Hypothesis The hypothesis of this research is that people will not generally be aware of the existence and gravity of female sex offenders using online resources. Additionally, the respondents will incorrectly define a typology of the female sex offenders, aligning them more with the typology of the male. Methods Aim The aim of the data collection used in this study was to gather a variety of responses about the perception of female sex offenders in the North-East of England. The purpose of this was to explore the typologies identified in the literature review, and see if the general public felt that these were appropriate definitions. This will provide some important information about the difficulties facing criminal prosecutors when it comes to convicting female sex offenders, and the stigma surrounding these individuals. Sample The sample used within this research consists of 50 individuals from the North-East of England. These individuals varied in age from 18 to 34. Table 1 shows the demographics of the sample in more detail. 18-24 25-30 30+ Female 32% 8% 14% Male 26% 12% 8% Table 1 – Sample Demographics The sample contained a majority of participants in the 18-24 age group, and more respondents were female than male. However, 46% of respondents were male and the remainder female, meaning that the gender split effect was not pronounced in the responses. Design The research for this study was conducted using a distributed questionnaire. It was optional for the participants to respond. A maximum response number of 50 was defined by the website used, which closed the survey when 50 responses had been given. The survey asked for basic demographic information about the participants. There were two further sections. The first of these asked a series of questions about female sex offenders, including questions on whether the respondent believed female sex offenders existed, and questions comparing the perceived severity of the crime. The section also questioned the use of the internet by female sex offenders, asking the participant if they felt that the internet was likely to be used by females looking to commit a crime. The second section of the survey consisted of the participant to make generalisations about the lifestyle of the female sex offender, including childhood, likelihood of biological relationship with the victim, and other typologies found within the literature. These questions were all aimed at depictions of female sex offenders that use the internet to communicate/interact with their victims. The dependent variable was the perception of female sex offenders and their use of online technologies by the group of respondents. The data collected for this study was purely quantitative, as the responses were all graded on a 1-5 scale (where applicable) or were yes/no responses. The data could thus be easily analysed. This was useful for creating graphical interpretations of the data, and meant that the similar data sets could be easily compared. The information was gathered in a period of two weeks (fourteen days) until the quota of respondents was filled. After the data was gathered, it was analysed to see if there were any serious anomalies or serious evidence of false results. No evidence of this was found, so all 50 responses were used in the following data analysis section. Results Section One As previously mentioned, section one asked for general information about the recipients’ beliefs about female sex offenders, and their use of the internet. Table 2 below shows a general summary of the results. Agree Don’t Know Disagree 1 - Sex crimes can be committed by women 65% 10% 25% 2 - Sex crimes by women aren’t as bad as sex crimes by men 85% 5% 10% 3 - Women use the internet to commit sex crimes 15% 65% 20% 4 - Women commit sex crimes against children 5% 65% 30% 5 - Women pose a danger to children using the internet 10% 40% 50% Table 2 – Select results from section one about women and the use of the internet to commit sex crimes Although most of the respondents believed that women could commit sexual offenses, the severity of the crimes was perceived to be lower. Additionally, women weren’t perceived to be a threat for children using the internet, and it was suggested that women are unlikely to use this mechanism. Finally, women were not perceived to commit sex crimes against children. Figure 1 shows the demographic information for these responses. Figure 1 – Gender Differences in Beliefs about Female Sex Offenders Section Two One of the most interesting areas of the literature review was the typology of female sex offenders who use the internet to target their victims. This section was aimed at proving or disproving the hypothesis that the general public would make incorrect generalizations about female sex offenders. Respondents were asked to consider particularly the typology of internet sex offenders. Generally Yes Generally No Female sex offenders were abused as children 95% 5% Female sex offenders are more likely than male sex offenders to be related to their victim 0% 100% Female sex offenders are more likely to admit guilt 75% 25% Female sex offenders have low self-esteem 60% 40% Female sex offenders were coerced into the act by a more dominant male 90% 10% Female sex offenders are likely to have problems with alcohol and substance abuse 45% 55% Table 3 – Generalisations about Female Sex Offenders The respondents generally agreed on most of the conclusions. Females were likely to be seen as having been coerced into sexually deviant acts by a male. All respondents thought female participants were less likely than their male counterpart to be related to their victim. Females were seen as more likely to admit to their crime. The group generally agreed that a female sex offender was the victim of sexual abuse themselves, and slightly less (but still a majority) felt that she was likely to have low self-esteem. There was no strong conclusion about whether females were likely to have drug or substance abuse problems. Discussion Section One The first section concerned the respondents’ beliefs about female sex offenders and the internet. The majority of respondents believes that females could commit sex offenses, which agrees with the general literature on the subject that estimates about 5% of sex crimes are committed by women (Elliott & Ashfield, 2010). However, what was most interesting is that the majority was not pronounced, as 35% were not sure or thought that women could not commit sex crimes. Again, this problem was identified by the literature, as Elliott & Ashfield (2010) and Eliott et al (2002) identified. There was no significant difference between the female and male respondents on this matter. The majority of respondents felt that female sex crimes were less severe than those committed by men. Men were slightly more likely to believe this than women. The majority of respondents were not sure if women used the internet to commit sex offenses. This again is supported by the research, which suggests that the lack of information about female sex offenders is due to this type of stigma (Mitchell et al, 2010). Similarly, the majority of respondents were not sure whether women could commit sex crimes against children. Half the participants felt that women did not use the internet to approach victims as a part of sexual offenses. This is untrue, as suggested by the literature (Mitchell et al, 2010). Females were far more likely to disagree with this statement than men. The hypothesis for this section was that the respondents would be generally unaware of females committing sex offenses. This was neither proved nor disproved by the results here. Although the majority of respondents were aware of female sex offenders, but the general opinion of the types and gravity of the crimes was that women were not as ‘bad’ as men in this regard. This suggests that, whilst women are perceived as a danger in this regard, they are not perceived as a serious threat. This could be due to the stereotype of women as victims, or the fact that they are usually perceived as less dominant than men (Martellozzo et al, 2010). This could provide some interesting information for prosecutors. The literature suggested that it is these social stigma and stereotypes that are the cause of lowered incarceration rates for female sex offenders (Martellozzo et al, 2010). Interestingly, there seemed to be very little difference between the male respondents and the female respondents, which suggests that both genders have similar opinions of female sex offenders. Section Two The purpose of section two was to uncover the stereotype of female sex offenders by the general public, and to see if this agreed with the typology highlighted by the literature. The huge majority of respondents felt that female sex offenders were likely to have been abused themselves as a child. This is interesting, because the literature on the topic suggests that this is not true (Johansson-Love & Fremouw, 2009). Every respondent felt that male sex offenders were more likely to be related to their victim than female sex offenders. Again, this was shown to be incorrect by the literature (Johansson-Love & Fremouw, 2009). This is interesting, because it again suggests that women are perceived to be less of a risk, and that they are less likely to abuse their position as caregivers. Again, this could be due to the stereotypes about women that form part of Western society. The majority of respondents felt that women were more likely to admit to their guilt. Johansson-Love & Fremouw (2009) found that this was true. The opinions on the self-esteem of the female sex offenders were mixed almost equally, and therefore no strong conclusion can be made about the opinion of the public on the self-esteem of the female sex offender. The literature suggests that female sex offenders are more likely to have low self-esteem than those fitting into the normal category (Elliott et al, 2010). The majority of respondents felt that women were likely to be coerced into the act by a more dominant male. This again fits in with the identified social stereotypes of women as caregivers and the more submissive gender (Elliott et al, 2010). The female sex offenders in the various pieces of literature also felt that they were coerced into the act by a pressuring male figure. However, there was no strong evidence that this was true. Finally, equal numbers of respondents felt that women were or were not likely to have substance abuse problems. The results of this section were mixed in the context of the hypothesis. Some of the generalisations made agreed with the literature (such as the likelihood of women to admit to their guilt) and some of them were incorrect (such as the previous abuse of the female sex offenders). This means that the hypothesis cannot be proved or disproved, but it does throw into light some interesting opinions of female sex offenders that can be used in criminological research and perhaps even in legal proceedings. Many of the responses seemed to be linked to social stereotypes of women as caregivers, and therefore it may be that women cannot be perceived as abusers simply because of their position in society. Recommendations As with many of the previous studies about female sex offenders, the sample size used was very small and limited to a small geographical area. The research may benefit from being conducted on a larger scale throughout the United Kingdom to further explore the results and opinions about female sex offenders. This could help to give the prosecution more information that may be pertinent to their case when trying to catch female sex offenders. It would also be interesting to consider the responses of participants and their views on women in general to see if there were any links, purely because of the links between social stereotypes of women and female sex offenders. References Elliott, I. A., & Ashfield, S. (2011). The use of online technology in the modus operandi of female sex offenders. Journal of Sexual Aggression, 17(1), 92–104. doi:10.1080/13552600.2010.537379 Elliott, I., Eldridge, H., Ashfield, S., & Beech, A. (2010). Exploring Risk: Potential Static, Dynamic, Protective and Treatment Factors in the Clinical Histories of Female Sex Offenders. Journal of Family Violence, 25(6), 595–602. doi:10.1007/s10896-010-9322-8 Elliott, M. (1994). Female sexual abuse of children. The Guilford Press. Johansson-Love, J., & Fremouw, W. (2009). Female Sex Offenders: A Controlled Comparison of Offender and Victim/Crime Characteristics. Journal of Family Violence, 24(6), 367–376. doi:10.1007/s10896-009-9236-5 Martellozzo, E., Nehring, D., & Taylor, H. (2010). Online child sexual abuse by female offenders: An Exploratory study. International Journal of Cyber Criminology, 4(1&2). Mathews, R., Matthews, J. K., & Speltz, K. (1989). Female sexual offenders: an exploratory study. Safer Society Press. Mitchell, K. J., Finkelhor, D., Jones, L. M., & Wolak, J. (2010). Use of Social Networking Sites in Online Sex Crimes Against Minors: An Examination of National Incidence and Means of Utilization. Journal of Adolescent Health, 47(2), 183–190. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2010.01.007 Robertiello, G., & Terry, K. J. (2007). Can we profile sex offenders? A review of sex offender typologies. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 12(5), 508–518. doi:10.1016/j.avb.2007.02.010 Vandiver, D. M., & Walker, J. T. (2002). Female Sex Offenders: An Overview and Analysis of 40 Cases. Criminal Justice Review, 27(2), 284–300. doi:10.1177/073401680202700205 Read More