Iraqi: Socio-Economic and Political Workings of a Nation - Essay Example

Hi…this is not yet finished…not even edited..ill get you a better version tomorrow…I have a bit of a family emergency to take care of for now so I can finish this paper yet…but I promise ill send you the final version within 24 hours…by the way, any word on the Handelman and Griffiths resources? Id love to be able to use their ideas to integrate in this paper…I used what I could find from the library and the internet for now… Iraq Introduction In the field of social sciences, there are various ways of explaining and analyzing the socio-economic and political workings of a nation. This paper seeks to assess the Iraqi nation in terms of its profile and politics. It seeks to assess how the nation can be improved applying the different theories in social and political sciences. It shall also present the problems and the social ills that Iraq is currently experiencing, how these came about, and possible ways of addressing these problems. It shall use primary resource materials in books and the latest online materials published. It shall mainly be a literature search of materials relevant to the topic at hand. This paper shall also relate these materials researched to previous textbooks used during class lectures. Iraq is an independent state located in the Middle East. The Republic of Iraq is bounded on the east by Iran, on the southeast by Kuwait and the Gulf, on the north by Turkey, on the southwest by Saudi Arabia and Jordan, and on the northwest by Syria. It is almost a landlocked state except for 56 kilometers of coastline that gives it access to the Gulf (Foreign & Commonwealth Office, 2007). It has distinct topographical regions: the uplands and the Kurdistan Mountains, the barren desert plains, and the irrigated farm lands of the Mesopotamia. Overall the economy of Iraq is bad. International economic sanctions have largely impoverished the country. About 16% of the economy comes from their agricultural sector. It is the world’s primary producer of dates. It has the second largest oil reserve in the world (Kjeilen, 2009). But with the United Nations sanctions still effective over the country, it remains a largely impoverished nation. The latest GDP data pegs the country at a 5.9% real economic growth (Index Mundi, 2009). Life expectancy in Iraq became lower due to the advent of the war. The life expectancy for males is now 59 years old and for females, it is 57 years old. These figures dropped from 1990’s 66.5 life expectancy (Rosenberg, 2007). The Crude Birth rate for Iraq has also decreased in the past few years. Latest figures indicate that they have a 30.77% birth rate (Index Mundi, 2008). Their adult literacy has also been greatly affected by the wars that waged over the country for the past few years. Many of the Iraqi schools were destroyed by the war and their students dropped. As a result, literacy rates plummeted. “Iraq’s adult literacy rate is now one of the lowest in all Arab countries; UNESCO estimates literacy rates to be less than 60 percent, or 6 million illiterate Iraqi adults” (USAID, 2007). Only about 37% of rural women can read and 30 percent of Iraqi girls in high school are actually enrolled as compared to 42% of the boys. Research Findings Dependency versus Modernization Theory The dependency theory is more applicable to Iraq. The dependency theory sets forth that the best way to achieve development is by following the Marxist rule and through revolution (Handelman, 2003). This theory rejects the ideas set by the modernization theory. The modernization theory basically posits that by adapting technological advancements and democratic ideologies, development may be achieved for a nation. The dependency theory also emphasizes how a nation’s dependence to rich countries can lead the country to extreme states of poverty and underdevelopment. In the case of Iraq, “like many other third-world states, suffers from a global asymmetry of power, low levels of institutionalization, artificial boundaries, and a fractionalization of its domestic population – all of which weaken its ability to develop an autonomous foreign policy” (Brown, 2004). It has strongly relied on foreign markets for its oil sales. At one point, Saddam Hussein accused Kuwait of manipulating the oil market and oil prices in the world market. These accusations ultimately led to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1991. Iraq’s history has also been marred with several revolutions. The 1970s saw the Iran-Iraq war; the early 90s saw the Kuwait invasion and the US and allied powers involvement in the conflict. At present, it is still very much a war zone because of the Second Iraqi War launched by the US against Iraq. Border conflicts with the Kurds and the Turks have also driven the country deeper into poverty. The dependency theory applies to Iraq because it has long relied on the world oil market for its economy; it has relied on the dictates and domination of the richer countries. Because of the domination of rich countries and coupled with its weak international stance, Iraq has become dependent on the dictates of the powerful and rich nations. As a result, chaos and poverty has reigned over its territory for more than three decades. Revolutions are seen as “a drastic attempt at dependency reversal – a revolution against the center by the periphery” (Hajjar, 1985). To discuss ending world hunger through both the modernization and the contrasting Dependency approach we must first define what they are. The modernization approach to LDC’s, or Less Developed Countries states that the method to development of these nations should be through emulating the technological advancements and democratic paradigm of the west. The Dependency approach claims that the aforementioned approach only breeds corruption and dependency on the west at the cost of the poor in LDC’s. Dependency theory believes the best method for development is through Marxism and other forms of revolution. Following modernization theory it is assumed that an increase in new and modern technologies will increase the ability of a nation to fend for itself internationally and thus be able to procure better goods and services. For this essay the goods and services are better and higher quality food products. The inclusion of agricultural modernization such as tractors and better planting and harvesting devices also brings with it the internal ability of a nation to grow their own food more efficiently thus increasing the national supply of food. With industrialization and modernization comes larger, less rural cities. This can play a part in the conditions of goods and services and can be argued for both modernization and dependency theories. With larger cities comes more centralized goods and services, streamlining of distribution centers, and higher quality facilities including electricity and running water. The contrasting argument for dependency would call forth the slums and shantytowns that house the poor in substandard conditions. These shantytowns have been argued to be removing agricultural lands due to their ever-growing expansion. If dependencistas were to control the way things are run in LDC’s all outside influences would be severed and advances would be made within themselves. They would argue that the best way to remove the poor class would be to remove the corrupt governments that keep national profits for themselves and the corporations they make deals with. Only through a non-corrupt, distributed people can true progress be made. In their environment no one in an LDC would be rich but no one would be starving either. One example of the power of low level, internal enterprise would be the micro-loan venture in Bangladesh. It has been extremely successful in enhancing the stature of the poor in that country. Within the promise of dependency theory lies the strong possibility of smaller cities and stronger rural communities. The arguments for and against ruralization of a country would be precisely inverted from those of larger cities. Modernization theorists would explain that the efficiency and services of that nation would be diminished while the dependency theorists would argue that strengthening the rural areas would allow communities to build from within. Industrialized nations can play a role in this to support the effect of either theory. Programs such as NAFTA which have had the intention of easing international tariffs and taxes have not done all they have set out to do. The WTO’s Uruguay Round Agreement on Textiles which promised to abolish quota’s by 2005 is abysmally planned with the best international example, Canada, leading the pack with 14% completion. These plans are sought out in earnest but are never realized. They serve as a grim reminder as enforcement for the dependency theory. There are other theories in the world such as bureaucratic authoritarianism and neoliberal economics as to how best to enhance the lives and therefore the food abundance in LDC’s. It is also been proven that both modernization and dependency theories are flawed when put on a global scale. At current understanding by sociologists a mixed method depending on the political, religious and socioeconomic environment of individual countries should be levied to enhance these countries. There is no “one best method” to solving the world’s hunger problem. All theories have potential in different environments. Religion and Politics Religion plays a large part in the political processes of Iraq. Islam is the main religion of Iraq. And the foundations and the tenets of this faith are deeply intertwined in their political processes. Many Iraqis claim that “Iraq without Islam would be like a body without a soul, or even worse, like a beloved body possessed by a demon” (Sivan & Friedman, 1990). Since there is one main religion in Iraq, it is impossible to separate religion from their government. The Iraqi constitution sets forth that there should be a unification of the church and the state. “The Iraqi constitution requires that all members of the government be Muslims” (Williams, 2007). And even if the manner of election is by following the democratic principles, Islam will still play a large part in the political workings of the state. The non-religious and secular government that Bush wanted to implement for Iraq would not work because Iraqis favor a government and constitution that is based on Islam and the Koran or Islamic Law. The Islamic parties in Iraq are not considered political parties, they are religious groups and sects. These religious sects do not work well by compromising their beliefs, therefore, only one religious sect can rule at any particular time (Williams, 2007). The country’s religion dictates the running of the state. Their laws are based on the teachings of Islam. The ruling political party is usually the strongest and most populous religious sect at any particular time. The political processes that would be implemented are those which are in keeping with the religious beliefs of the political party in power. However, many political critics point out that during Saddam Hussein’s reign the teachings of Islam were not followed and implemented. Instead, his reign was that of a dictatorship and at many times, his politics trampled and went against many of the teachings of Islam (PAdget, 2007). Nevertheless, the basic concept behind Iraqi politics, is that there is no separation of church and state. The religious revival that is said to be currently happening in Iraq is rooted in modernization. In the aftermath of the Gulf war, Saddam Hussein started adapting some changes in his government (Lyon, ed., 2004). He hired Islamic clerics, favored Sunni with the construction of large mosques, and he introduced Sharia into the penal code. This religious revival is a great stride towards modernization. “The resurgence of Islam sustained by urbanization and the spread of literacy has occurred in the context of the modernization of Muslim states and the incorporation of the masses into political society” (Juergensmeyer, 2006). Through religious revival, the more important and more significant teachings of the Islam faith are revived and applied in a more modern and updated context. Democracy and Dictatorship Iraq is currently a republican, federal government system. It is composed of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches (Mongabay, 2005). The country is divided into different provinces and municipalities. Currently, its Prime Minister is Nuri al-Maliki. Maliki was a political exile during Hussein’s reign and when the latter was later deposed, he emerged as a strong political force in Iraq. He belongs to the Shia political group. Through his leadership, a new constitution was passed. He also helped “formulate agreements over the possible structure of a government that could unify Iraq’s different religions and political groups” (BBC News, 2006). Iraq is not yet politically stable because of the presence of the recent war waged against it by the US and coalition forces and because of various insurgent groups still active in some parts of the nation. Prime Minister Maliki has expressed his desire to achieve a non-sectarian government and he called for the reconciliation with the members of Saddam Hussein’s party. He also spoke out against “the practice of distributing top government positions among religious and ethnic groups, encouraging dialogue over sectarian quotas” (United States Department of State, 2009). In every government, there are always oppositionists. The Iraqi government is no different. The former Prime Minister Allawi, a Shi’ite and member of the Ba’athist party is a strong oppositionist of Maliki’s regime. He has been in contact with insurgent leaders and is responsible for maintaining contact between the government and the Iraqi government. He has been trying to influence the Iraqi Accordance Front (Sunni-led) to join him in establishing a non-sectarian national salvation government. Other Sunnis, Shi’ites and minority Kurdish parties have already expressed their support for Allawi’s plans. Al-Sadr and his party are also considered oppositionists to Maliki’s regime. Their main issue with Maliki is due to the latter’s refusal to set a date for the withdrawal of the foreign troops in Iraq. Although Al-Sadr has not been a visible presence in Iraqi politics, his political pull in Iraq is unquestionable. “He was still able to rally tens of thousands in two Iraqi cities to demonstrate against the presence of the multinational forces on April 10, the fourth anniversary of Hussein’s fall” (Ridolfo, 2007). Al-Sadr is quietly proving himself a better leader than Maliki whose reign is tainted with US influence and is largely highlighted by various failures in leadership. The social groups involved in the political opposition belong to the different religious sects that exist in Iraq. They are the Kurds, the Sunni Arabs, and the Shia Arabs. The impoverished Shias take issue with the wealthy Sunnis against whom they direct their looting and violent disruptive activities. The Sunnis now raise their opposition against the government for allowing the foreign troops to stay too long in Iraqi soil; they also point out that these troops are not even concerned about looting; they are more concerned about protecting Iraq’s oil fields. Much of Iraq’s history, especially during Hussein’s reign has been laced with insurgent oppositionists who suffer much economic misery. The economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations on Iraq also made life economically devastating to many Iraqis. “It is their terrible poverty which has given such an edge to the fury of the mobs of looters which have waged through Iraqi cities…It is exacerbating religious and ethnic tensions which otherwise might lie dormant” (Cockburn, 2003). The role of political culture is to help determine the collective opinions and attitudes of individuals about politics (Zussman, 2009). In the cause of Iraq, political culture helps to engage and gather support for some political or government program or policy. The political culture in Iraq is not conducive to support of democracy. The foundations of a successful democratic government are found in “apt economic conditions (e.g., rising living standards and a large, thriving middle class) and supportive cultural values (e.g., political trust, political participation, tolerance of minorities, and gender equality)” (Basham, 2003). Iraqi society falls short of these elements. Iraqis subscribe to a traditional tribal culture that affects their daily lives greatly; they are highly paternatilistic, portraying leaders as heroic figures; in short, Iraqi society is still filled with terror and authoritarianism. Ethnic-cultural divisions There is no power-sharing in Iraq because of the ethnic and cultural conflicts among the different tribes, political parties and religious sects in Iraq. The three main groups battling it out in Iraq are the Iraqi Sunnis, and Shiites, and the Kurds. The Sunnis gained much power and wealth during Hussein’s political regime. Their religious beliefs are considered to be orthodox and they follow the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad. The Shiites on the other hand, consider themselves to be followers of Imam Ali, Mohammad’s cousin (A Glimpse of Iraq, 2005). These two groups also vary in manifestations of their faith. The Shiites were greatly impoverished during Hussein’s regime and the Sunnis gained much of their wealth and political power during Hussein’s reign. Now, the Shiites have started to gain more political power since the fall of Hussein. They were also able to find support in the present Prime Minister. The Kurds are a largely displaced group. A portion of the territory they are claiming to be their lands lie in Turkey, and the other portion lie in Iraq. This group has been hunted down during Hussein’s reign. This group is mostly Sunni Muslim, some are Christians and Shias. They are considered a displaced group which is now asserting their independence as a group (O’Leary, 2002). Their efforts to take control of lands promised to them after the First World War are causing much conflict and disruptive chaos in Iraq because neither the Turks nor the Iraqis are willing to recognize their independence. The future trend is that these conflicts will continue to dominate Iraqi politics for years to come. Political power will most likely transfer from one ethnic/cultural group to another depending on the ethnic and cultural affiliation of the person in power. If the Prime Minister is a Shiite, then the Shiites will dominate the political culture of the country, if the Prime Minister is Sunni, then the Sunnis shall have their revenge and their day against the Shiites. This political trend will only shift towards non-sectarian governance if the political leader will not favor any ethnic or cultural group, if he will implement to the letter the principles of democracy and fairness regardless of his ethnic leanings. Finally, the people will also have to accept and support the non-sectarian rule by the non-sectarian leader. Without the people’s support, no successful democratic government can be achieved for Iraq. Women and Development Read More