Iraqi ommunity in Saudi Arabia - Essay Example

Chapter One: Profile of Iraqi community in Saudi Arabia A brief history of Iraqi community in Saudi Arabia In the early 1960s, Saudi Arabia was still in the development phase as a result from the oil flow in 1930s. With this radical economic imposed change in the social structure, the administration realized the importance of creating a plan to facilitate the rapid ensuing economic developments occurring in the kingdom. Considering the income of the Oil to the socio-economic situation of the country, an obvious need to establish five years reforms to achieve the basic standards of evolvement was felt. King Faisal sought to implement a strategic development plan by importing the modern lifestyle sheilded under an Islamic umbrella. He planned to introduce various aspects of modern administration and western technology not contradicted by the principles of Islam (Abir, 1988: 4) including modern education in its various disciplines. The lack of Saudi professionals, therefore, necessitated the employment of foreign teachers and expertise. To develop integrated urban cities, various measures were taken. For instance, to fulfill one aspect of this purpose, schools and hospitals were built, telephone lines and electricity were introduced, running water, roads and airfields were constructed all of which were carried out by foreign manpower and expertise, employed from all over the world. The skills of Muslim professionals as well as non-Arabs and non-Muslims were also employed in Saudi development. Most of them were recruited as teachers in universities and schools, engineers, chemists, physicians, doctors, contractors, nurses and businessmen. There are undeniable common interests between Saudi Arabia and other countries that entailed the flow of all the skilled laborers, teachers and businessmen to Saudi Arabia during the oil boom era. Despite of the turbulent relations between Saudi Arabia and Iraq uptil the monarchy era until the fall of Saddams regime, Saudi Arabia managed to be diplomatic and remain cautious in dealing with Iraq’s political and socio-economic issues. With the tense Saudi-Egyptian relations and the support of Nasirs to the Republic in Yemeni war, suspension of dealings with the Egyptian labor occured. As an alternative, Saudi administration considered the feasibility of bringing qualified professionals in from Iraq. Hundreds of them arrived and occupied various professions. In addition to working as the state’s representative staff in embassies and consulates, these specialists received contracts from competent authorities which found a lack of local qualified employees. Meanwhile, Saudis were sent abroad to gain experience and certificates to occupy high positions in the state when they were to return as promised. When Iraq was undergoing rapid political changes (evolutions, coups détat and purges), individuals who had been involved in some sort of political struggle of opposition fled the country (Al-Rasheed, 1994:204) seeking protection, and after the downfall of Saddams regime were the first to visit Iraq. With the passage of time, the strong presence of the Iraqi community began to be problematic, with its complex diversity of political, religious, social and ethnic backgrounds, especially the Baathist sect. Their forceful influence on the Saudi society was alarming. Hence, the government found it difficult to cope and control the spread of their ideology. The Saudi branch of the Bath movement was founded in 1958. At first it looked to the Syrian Bath for guidance. After the early 1960s, with the rise in power of the Iraqi Bath, the small Saudi Bath movement became largely Iraqi-oriented and its activities spread to Eastern Province. (Abir, 1988:77) Therefore, Saudi government had returned most of the Iraqis as they posed a threat to the state. By that time Saudi-Egyptians relations had improved, therefore, the Iraqi professionals were substituted by the Egyptian specialists. The Iraqis that were left within the kingdom were either political refugees or their political and religious orientation did not oppose with the states trend. In 1980s and 1990s onwards, Saudi Arabia witnessed a new wave of Iraqi presence. Qualified men holding higher degrees and naturalized with different nationalities, such as American, English, German and Australian, entered into the state. Their transmission to Saudi Arabia and Gulf area came about by their choice of seeking an Islamic and Arabic environment as a reasonable alternative for their country of origin for themselves. Usually these families consisted of two generations, the head of the family, his wife and their young children. While their immediate kin were either in Iraq or deployed around the world, their working contracts were cancelled as a consequence of Iraq-Iran war and have been asked to leave the country, while some others resigned before they were expelled. After the second Gulf War in 1991, 33,000 Iraqis fled from Al-Najaf heading south towards Saudi Arabia.The United Nation High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) arranged with the Saudi government to provide these refugees a permanent residence until they found another country or returned to Iraq. They were forced immigrants settled in north Saudi Arabia in the city of “Rafha”, later on their shelters were called “Rafha Camp” and most of the settlers were Arab Shiit. Around 160 of them were able to get identity documents authorized by the Ministry of the Interior to give them the flexibility of moving around the country, work and receiving social services. In 2008 the last 77 of the 33.000 Iraqis were deported from “Rafha Camp” to Iraq, where the UNHCR found that the security conditions in Iraq were stable. This group of Iraqis is not included in my research because they are considered refugees and the Iraqis concerned in my research are those who settled earlier. (http://www.refugees.org/countryreports.aspx?id=2340, accessed on 14.6.2010). Status of Iraqi community in Saudi Arabia This section of the research explores the standing of the Iraqi community residing in Saudi Arabia. The segment provides point of view of Iraqi settlers. The Iraqi community members in Saudi Arabia regard themselves as voluntary migrants who chose to settle (Al-Rasheed, 1994: 203) in Saudi Arabia. In my interviews I asked the Iraqis of first generation preliminary questions; how many years have you intended to stay and how many years has it been? The reaction of the interviewees and the answers were diffivult to receive, the reaction was a lengthy pause followed with a sigh. After repeating my question in a tone filled with grief and a wry smile, the answers were unexpectedly painful. All answers indicated that the intention to stay was for several years which went on till this day, the number of the years they have mentioned varied from family to family and it ranged between six months to two years. Socio-economic Profile: The socio economic profile of a community is evident from the lifestyle and activities adopted by it. According to Iraqi Embassy the approximate number of Iraqis living in Saudi Arabia estimated about 7000 people and deployed in major cities of east, middle and west provinces came from different ethnic backgrounds. Currently Iraqi households in Saudi Arabia consist of three generations, Father/mother, son/daughter and grandson/granddaughter. Single men/women are rarely seen and are usually employed by the Iraqi embassy or consulates. As for the official documents, Iraqis in Saudi Arabia hold one of three different types of identification documents –residential permission, citizenship documents and a passport due to special royal decree. Saudi Arabia has attracted Iraqis for several reasons, one of the most important factors is that both countries shares similar socio-economic characteristics. The social structure varies from one family to another, due to the fact that Iraqi families were considered to be a minority amongst other foreigners in Saudi Arabia. The contrasts in social classes are noticeable. By the time they have accommodated and adapted with the rapid social change occurring in the region, they have developed themselves by seeking better opportunities and rise promotions in their careers, we can say they have become upper and middle class. Besides being employees, most of the community members sought to improve their financial condition through trade, by purchasing lands and houses in Iraq, England or in Saudi, some succeeded and became upper-class others failed and stayed within the middle class. Education and Employment The education and employment are the two important dimensions for the social description of any group of people; this segment of research deals with these dimensions of relative Iraqis living abroad. Fortunately the second generation of first wave of Iraqi immigrants found schools (primary and elementary) to attend during the 1960s, when the Saudi education was at its first stage of development. In my interviews with the Iraqi community members who came earlier and later, most of the first generation expressed their disappointment and unanimously agreed that the level of education in Saudi Arabia did not reach their expectations. To be more specific, teaching of science was not parallel in strength with the Iraqi curriculums, whereas the Islamic studies in Saudi Arabia were more profound. Furthermore, Iraqis and other Arab foreigners were not allowed to enroll in Saudi universities. Exceptions were made to those whose parents were lecturers at the university. Hence, they had two solutions; either travel abroad or stay in their houses waiting for an alternative opportunity. Several private colleges were established to cover the overall need of Saudis and foreigners as well, by presenting broader areas of studies and allowing non-Saudis to enroll. However, they were costly (and unaffordable for some) as well as not recognized internationally. Iraqis have a strong urge and desire for higher education even the housewives are eager to restart their education. The Iraqis who arrived between 1960s and 1980s were qualified and brought with them the modern science that Saudis lacked. They were filling a gap in the patterns of employment structure by nationalizing the jobs which affected the second generation of the Iraqi community members dramatically. Finding appropriate job opportunities were slim for those who share the same education background with the locals, unless they were sent abroad to get distinctive degree which signify their abilities and considered to be skilled as compared to others. Sometimes getting a degree does not always employ your abilities especially for those who carry residence status and Saudi passports as well. “The expansion of tertiary education, increasingly at a postgraduate level, has created high employment aspirations, leading many young people to late entrance in the labor market, since increased prosperity and strong family ties can support them until the time they will find a dignified job matching their qualifications” (Hatziprokopiou, 2006 :52). that portrays the situation of Qasims case, (38) male from the Iraqi second generation, holds Saudi passport, having a significant master degree, seeking a job opportunity that matches with his standards, have spent a year and half applying to major companies and universities. Most interviews ended with a common note once they knew he is not Saudi expressed we would like to have you in our company/university if you were Saudi. the rest were not suitable offers. Eventually Qasim decided to glorify his higher education and get a PhD as a solution for getting a dignified job one day when he returned. “It is assumed that after emigration the effects on both host and sending economies (effects on wages, employment, living and consumption standards.)”( Hatziprokopiou, 2006: 52). This is a fact, frustrated feelings from both Iraqis and Saudis were obvious, where the citizens complained of unemployment and were biased towards the foreigners, whereas the second generation of Iraqis objected about the racism and discrimination. My analysis comes from observation and interviews of some of the Iraqis living in Saudi Arabia, not necessarily reflecting the stereotypes of the society. Furthermore, regarding access to employment, the finding suggests that migrants tend to rely largely on informal relationships of support and solidarity.( Hatziprokopiou, 2006:147) in finding educational and job opportunities. Geography This section includes the location of Iraqis in the country. As mentioned earlier that Saudi Arabia and Iraq share similar social pattern, most of Iraqi households have large houses that accommodated three generations regardless of the social class, which can be distinguished through the neighborhoods where they choose to live. When the head of the family first immigrates to Saudi Arabia his financial situation does not allow him to own a house or even rent one, therefore he is compelled to find residence that commensurates with his financial and social background. Usually this residence is an apartment built in different neighborhoods. At the third or fourth move he becomes able to settle in a house that matches with his socio-economic status. As my thesis concentrates on the Iraqi community of Jeddah in particular, I must illustrate the residence pattern of the city. “Naturally, there is a degree of diversity, in terms of age, family status, the area where they live” (Hatziprokopiou, 2006:198). Jeddah is considered to be one of the cosmopolitan cities around the world in its importance due to the strategic location as being a gate way to the holy cities of Mecca and Madina and the rest of the Arabian Peninsula. Aesthetic character of Jeddah lies in its historical authentic and the heterogeneous population, it has assimilated all kind of diverse ethnic backgrounds, all of which have settled and coexisted with the religious, political, social, cultural and economical patterns. Some were naturalized and held the Saudi status. Jeddah’s spatial structure consist of districts and streets and the city was exposed to a rapid changing process of development which had lessen the importance of one district thirty years back and the demanded another newer place. More than 70 years back population of Jeddah had settled in southern and western regions and gradually they had moved towards the North and more modern set up of streets, houses, buildings and shopping centers. Socio-economic and religious levels play a role in the selection of the place of residence. As mentioned before Iraqi households lived in different places over the years of their presence, their choice of residence varied from family to family that was dependent on the head of the family. Some priorities they took into account were how close or far the mosque from the house, then the income and employment benefits determined the choice of the area and how large the house would be, and whether they grant housing allowance or not. But mainly they lived where upper and middle class Saudis lived. Recently three of the Iraqi families in Jeddah happened to live in the same district located in the North-East at the coast side. Some others choose to live near their working area regardless of the district’s importance. I have noticed that the Iraqi families who lived in the same area were glad to be around each other for the ease of communication and access, and wish of the remaining to be able to join them. Organization: This section investigates the social interaction of the Iraqi migrants settles in Saudi Arabia. Wherever there is a group of people living, they require organizations and authorities to solve their problems and keep them together. As there are no formal immigrant organizations concerning the Iraqi socio-cultural or political views, most socialization/gathering is within the households. Due to the fact that the Iraqi community is small in number, therefore, the idea of creating any sort of formal organization was not considered. The initiative of the social gathering comes from the community members only. They were sufficient with the recognized customs of gathering; their social gathering set up consists of meetings on regular bases with those who were closely related of kin or friends. In the special occasions such as (celebrating holidays, congratulating, greeting the arrival of some relatives came to visit from Iraq or from another region inside Saudi and wedding ceremonies) in these cases meetings were on a wider range of friends and more formal. These social events gather all Iraqi community members regardless of their religious and ethnic backgrounds. Iraqis address each other by the name of the city they live in, for example; Iraqeen ahl alriyadh or Iraqeen ahl Mecca. The literal meaning is; “Iraqis of Riyadh or Iraqis of Mecca”. Iraqi community members, men and women, did not hesitate to join Saudi socio-religious organizations which do care for the welfare of locals and international needy communities irrespective of religion, race, and culture. Some of them were playing leading roles in such organizations. One of those Iraqis was the well known religious activist Sheikh Mohamed Mahmud Al-Sawaf who was behind the spread of the ideology of Muslim brotherhood in Iraq; therefore, he fled from Iraq to Saudi Arabia through Syria seeking for political asylum. He was granted the Saudi Nationality and honored by King Faisal and was given the freedom to practice his activities. He has contributed significantly in establishing several organizations such as (Organization of the Islamic Conference, Muslim world league, The Supreme Council of Mosques). (Wikipedia) Other Iraqis who came later with the same orientation contributed in same organizations and were founding members of International Islamic Relief Org, World Assembly of Muslim Youth etc. References: Al-Rasheed, M. (1994). The Myth of Return: Iraqi Arab and Assyrian Refugee in London. Jornal of Refugee Studies Vol. 7. No. 2. Oxford University Press. Altork, S. (1986). Women in Saudi Arabia: Ideology and Behavior Among the Elite. Columbia University press . Hatziprokopiou, P. A. (2006). Globalisation, migration and socio-economic change in contemporary Greece. Amsterdam University Press . M.Abir. (1993). Saudi Arabia: government, society, and the Gulf crisis‬. Routledge. Wikipedia. (n.d.). Mohamed Mahmoud Al-Sawaf. Retrieved June 24, 2010 from Wikipedia: http://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/محمد_محمود_الصواف Read More