The Anthropology of Religion - Dissertation Example

Chapter two: Religious education/Practice Moving from one place to another leads to a number of changes on many levels upon the lives of the immigrants through a number of aspects such as religious, social, psychological, economical etc. Therefore the subsequent settling process takes many forms and goes through various stages before individials can assimilate into the new society. The shift in behaviors, thoughts and beliefs in immigrant life has always attracted anthropologists and sociologists attention to study the changes occurring in all its dimensions. Bowie in his Anthropology of Religion book supports my argument by saying as biological and social being we are all dependent upon our physical and social environment in order to live. We do not, however, experience the world passively. The way we act affects both society and the web of life around us. Our actions are determined by what we think, by our values and belief systems. These in turn are actualized and reinforced by our education, through various aspects of our culture, and by means of ritual activity. This chapter explores the relationship of religion and social environment from a number of different angles” (Bowie, 2000 :107). I will argue whether or not the prolonged stay of Iraqi community members in Saudi Arabia has had an impact on their conceptualization of religion. Some of the questions I will attempt to answer in this research are: Have they maintained their previous knowledge and understanding of religion and rejected any sort of change? Or have they become more open with the passage of time to the Saudi Islamic teaching and found it compatible to their original concepts? Did the differences in the Islamic teaching between the first and second generation form a gap between the two generations? By examining and analyzing the result of the interviews with my own judgment and through participant observation I shall attempt to arrive at an interpretation that concludes to what extent the Iraqi community members have adopted the Saudi religious traditions of rites, practices and behavior as well as the natural consequences of adaptation process. Though both countries practice the same dominant religion, to understand the socio-religious change of the Iraqi community in Saudi Arabia we have to take a glance at the religious contexts of both societies. Islam in the context of Iraq Islam arose in the region when the Arab Muslims defeated the Iranian Sassanian at the battle of Qadisiyah. The majority of inhabitants soon became Muslim, including the Kurds, although a small number of Christians and Jewish communities retained their faith and remained in Mesopotamia (Al Adely, 2003). Islam was prevailing in the country, religious rituals were freely practiced of all its sects Until the Baath party took over in the 1960s, the mosque and the state were united. While the Baath party recognized Islam as the official religion, it set up a secular government (Ibid :75). Iraq is considered to be a multi-religious state; 97% of the population are Muslim Arabs of sunni and shiite sect, and the remainder are Sunni Turkmen. The remaining three percent are Chaldeans (an eastern rite of the Catholic Church), Assyrians (Church of the East), Syriacs (Eastern Orthodox), Armenians (Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox), and Protestant Christians, as well as Yezidis, Sabean-Mandaeans, Bahais, Shabaks, and Kakais (a small, syncretic religious group located in and around Kirkuk). Shia, although predominantly located in the south also in Baghdad and have communities in most parts of the country. Sunnis form the majority in the center and the north of the country. Being a Multi-ethnic nation the Constitution provides that citizens are to be free in their commitment to their personal status according to their religious groups, sects, beliefs, or choices, as regulated by law. In spite of what is written in the Constitution, of providing the citizens the freedom of religion,the emergence of Baath party was a crisis to some, to those who thought that the Constitution provides them with the right to practice freedom of religion. These activists from many religious backgrounds were extremists in the eye of the Baathists. They were repressed, pressured to stop their activities and blackmailed that otherwise their life and families were in danger. The Baaths integration with the regime has strengthened and empowered their ideology. They have controlled the manifestations of religion and worship to the minimal practice. The curriculum of both primary and secondary public schools includes three class periods per week of Islamic Education, including study of the Quran, as a requirement for graduation. Many Muslim holidays are also national holidays, including Ashura, Arbain, Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha, and Maulid al-Nabi (the Birth of the Prophet Muhammad). Nawruz (Spring Day), a national holiday, is celebrated as a religious holiday by Bahais. Christians reported that although Christmas and Easter are not national holidays, government policy recognizes their right to observe both holidays. Islam in the context of Saudi Arabia The eighteenth century is often described as that of the renewal and reform in Islam, a time when revivalist movements of various types arose in a variety of locations. Although each movement had its own specific characteristics, reflecting the environments and contexts in which they arose (Delong-Bas, 2004 :8) Wahhabism was one of the major movements at that time. The movement emerged from an alliance between Muhammed Bin Abdul Wahhab, a Najdi preacher and theologian, and Muhammed Bin Saud, the ruler of Diraiyah in southern Najd. Wahhabism, a unitarian movement advocating Gods oneness and undivided almightiness proved to be potent force in the expansion of Al Saud rule, providing religious legitimization for the conquest of the Arabian Peninsula while inculcating the population with a unifying belief system. Abdul Wahhabs aim was to abolish all bida (innovation) following the third Islamic century. His teaching are based on the idea that Islam has sunk into impiety, and a return to its supposed former purity remains Wahhabisms basic tenet. Anything departs from the oneness of God as defined by the Wahhabis is shirk (idolatry), and implies kufr (disbelief). In january 1925 the wahhabi ulama and those of other religious schools met in mecca, marking the beginning of Wahhabi dominance and the marginalization of other madhahib (Islamic schools of thought). The Hijaz followed three schools of law: the shafii the Hanafi and the Maliki, the first two being predominant. Officially there are no longer any differing schools of theological law in Saudi Arabia, with Al Mazahab (the school of law) signifying only the Hanbali school and, more specifically, its interpretation and application by the wahhabi ulama. The ulamas functions involved regulating communal and religious by serving as a judges, administrators, teachers and religious advisers. They also advise temporal matters, such as marriage, divorce, inheritance and even medicine (Yamani, 2009). Saudi government implement Wahhabi ideology through two council of senior Ulama and the committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (religious police). The council role is to provides religious approval for the government policies and they are considered the voice of state Islam. They issue fatwa (islamic legal opinion) to legitimize the daily life actions of Saudi government and the society under the Islamic umbrella. The mutawiien (committee members) authority were directed to different concerns after 9/11, their strict supervision on the dress codes and behavior of people were lessened. Both state and society struggled to maintain a precarious balance between commitment to Islam, authenticity and tradition and a rapid immersion in modernity (Al-Rasheed, 2002: 218) Therefore government sought to loosen the pressure of conservativeness as part of the counter-Terrorism plan. Shiite minority in Saudi Arabia and non-Muslims were unable to practice religious activities in public, as Islamic state celebrating holidays other than eid alfitr (end of ramdhan) and eid aldha (festival of sacrifice) were prohibited. Religious teachings are taught intensively in public and private schools, the latters adjustment of the intensity of islamic teaching depends on the orientation of the school, whether it is religious or secular. Reasonable religious courses are taught along with other secular courses in all years, and are required of all students (Farsy, 1986 :192). ‪ Socio-Religious change As we can see both countries believe in Islam and take it as a main source of legislation. However, surely they do not share the same way of implementing its teaching (behavior, practice and rituals). An obvious contrast in socio-religious structure appears from the brief religious background of the two countries. Saudi Arabia adapted conservative social characteristics whereas Iraq headed towards secularism. Therefore, the differences in nature of both societies has an impact on the level of adaptation concerning the Iraqi presence in Saudi. The Iraqi community members in my study are conservative muslim (sunni and shiite) families who lived in Iraq and moved to more conservative environments as a result of socio-religious and political reasons. The concept of conservativeness differs in means in both societies. In Iraq being conservative is to obey the rules of social structure sets based of cultural values whereas in Saudi it is to follow the Islamic law teachings. These families came with varying background Islamic information which made the assimilating to the manifestations of religion differ from one family to another. They came to Saudi Arabia with a prior conception of what they might face from what they had heard through pilgrims. As mentioned previously in the first chapter the Iraqi presence were divided into two waves, those who came in 1960s were exposed to a more traditional and basic way of life than those who came in late 1980s. The development process and the adopting of western life style in Saudi Arabia played a major role in the spread of Islamic teaching through radios and televisions by broadasting religious programs. This resulted in a struggle withen the Iraqi community members especially females (who were less informed in religious matters).The accessibility of religious matters made them wonder whether to believe in what they heard and to take it as a way of life or not. The differences between secular and religious teaching caused confusion within these families and forced them to reassess their perceptions of what was normal and what was extreme. This uncertainty made them return to the original sources of their Islamic beliefs, which they could find easily in public libraries. This applies to Fatima, a Muslim woman belonging to a shiite sect, mother of four, married to an Iraqi sunni. She started to wonder of the rightness of her beliefs and became interested in exploring the Islamic traditions through available books. In doing so, she eventually went on to have memorized the whole Quraan (Islamic holy book). And it is worth mentioning, that her daughter assured me that she preferred not to interfere in what they were learning in school concerning religious teachings. Religious preaching in Saudi was evolved to a wider range, Islamic preaching lectures were held in houses on monthly or weekly bases, these lectures did not limit themselves to a specific gender, both men and women were allowed to open their houses to invite local or international men/women speakers. Friends and neighbors were asked to join. These socio-religious phenomena were adopted by some of the Iraqi families both by attending these gathering to have a better understanding of the religion or by taking the initiative and starting these preaching circles. Religious preaching in Iraq was practiced in limited occasions and were in narrow range e.g. were held in mosques and funerals. Females of Iraqi community members found these preaching circles very interesting and useful as they learn something new every time they attended thus they became attached to these gathering events at the same time it was a great opportunity to mingle with the Saudi society members. Most of the Saudi religious practices are familiar to Iraqi community members, being Muslims these basic practices were considered duty. What was odd to them were the details and the way it should be practiced, due to the lack of knowledge in principles of shariaa (Islamic law) specifically the understanding of Fiqh (the Islamic jurisprudence). Fiqh deals with the observance of rituals, morals and social legislation. There are four prominent Sunni schools of Fiqh (Mathahib) and two schools for the Shia. A second generation female, Sara tells a common story that I heard from most of the people I interviewed and had personally experienced it my self. “One day I found my self correcting the way my mother was praying, I respectfully explained to her that she cannot say her intention of her will to pray loudly but she must say it silently because we were told in school that Prophet Muhammed peace be upon him said “Actions are but by intentions” therefore we must not say it out loud. The truth is that I felt embarassed telling my mother what she has to do but at the same time I felt it was important to correct the wrong regardless who the person was to me”. This is one of many other situations that show the superiority the second generation Iraqi setllers exhibit in the religious understanding. Her parents did not mind, on the contrary, they were happy that they achieved their goal of raising their children in a purely Islamic environment. And that was one of main reasons that made these families choose to live in Saudi Arabia instead of living in any other non-Muslim country. Second generation Saudis are aware that they have wider knowledge of Islamic teaching than those of their age in Iraq. This was noticeable when they had the chance to meet their relatives in Iraq. Same aged youth were grown up in different religious environment, those who were raised in Iraq find it difficult to accept the strictness of peers who raised in Saudi Arabia, sometimes jokingly calling them “wahhabis” referring to their extreme actions. For example, praying on time and correcting some inappropriate sayings like swearing by the Holy Quraan and other objects and persons, justifying it by claiming that it was forbidden to swear by someone else but God. Again these actions were reproached by sarcastic comments from the Iraqi raised cousins, calling their Saudi counterparts shaikh (schooler). They think their peers are superior to them in terms of religion, which makes the relationship between them a bit tense. In some other cases those second generation who lived in Saudi left a strong positive impact and have corrected the negative image of being conservative muslim and proved they were able to enjoy modern way of life and be conservative muslims at the same time. One of the manifestations of religion which attracted the attention of Iraqi community members was the closing down of shops during the prayer time. Also governmental/private offices stopped their activities to pray which led to having to pray with the congregation. In Iraq praying was a personal action and were separated from the state rule, however, Iraqis feared to attend prayers on regular basis so as not to be targeted and watched by the government or accused of being Islamists. Ramadhan (the Islamic holy month of fasting) in Saudi Arabia was a new experience as described by Iraqi community members, restaurants were closed during day time unlike in Iraq, tarawih prayer (extra prayers) were longer in period while reading a whole chapter of Quraan (Islamic holy book) in one prayer. That was unusual practice to many at first, they were encouraged to participate by neighbors and friends soon these rituals were adopted and considered spiritual. Some of the Iraqi community members in Saudi Arabia felt pressured in following one mathahan school of thought arguing that Islam has a capacity of variation of Islamic trends that Muslims can choose accordingly the most closest one to their heat, mind and soul. Nevertheless, the overall social and religious environment made them turn a blind eye and focus on the positive side of their being in a secure and stable place. Gradually the strict religious way of life became normal and acceptable, even more so it has become part of their daily life. In contrast, there is a group of Iraqis in Saudi Arabia who have maintained their Islamic orientation whether it was shiiesim, sufsim or any other mathahib (Islamic school of thought). The difference in the religious background did not lead to the isolation of these families, instead they were able to overcome this difference in finding common ground between them and the Saudi society members. Example of this, Faiza, Muslim shiite, fled with her husband and children from Iraq for political reasons.As a lecturer at governmental university, her 12 years stay in Jeddah did not affect her behavior, thoughts and especially her beliefs, although she managed to build a social network within the circle of Saudi society members of elite and upper-classes regardless of their religious orientation. Iraqi community members obtained religious freedom on one hand and struggled with migratory consequences on the other. In the coming chapters I will highlight the implications of the migration of Iraqi families to Saudi Arabia. ‪Bowie, F. (2000). The anthropology of religion: an introduction‬.Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Hassig, S.M, Al Adely, L.M. (2003). Iraq. Marshall Cavendish Corporation. Yamani, M. (2009). Cradle of Islam: The Hijaz and the quest for the identity in Saudi Arabia. Thomas Press India Ltd. Al-Rasheed, M. (2002). A history of Saudi Arabia. Cambridge University Press. Farsy, F. (1986). Saudi Arabia: a case study in development. KPI limited. - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_religion_in_Iraq Accessed on 25 june 2010 http://translate.google.co.uk/?hl=en&tab=wT#en|ar|paradigms%20%0Alinear%20%0AThis%20socio-religious%20phenomenon%20were%20adopted%20by%20some%20of%20the%20Iraqi%20families%20%0Ajurisprudence%20, accessed on 30 July 2010. Read More