Education among African Caribbean - Essay Example

Education Introduction Overall, in the UK, there are relatively few examples of African-Caribbeans whose success has derived from high levels of education. This is reflected in education itself, where there is a lack of ethnic minority teachers, head teachers, governors and chairs of governors and in higher education, where there are few lecturers and almost no personnel in senior positions from ethnic minorities. The development of the home–community model of success does not lay the burden of responsibility for academic achievement solely at the door of the home and community, but makes an expressly critical indictment of some schools, and the role of some of the teachers within them. That racism has been a feature in the interpretations of specific events in the school experiences of some respondents necessitates a re-evaluation of the role played by schools in the underachievement of African-Caribbean pupils. Due to racism, black people, no matter how motivated, are often denied the opportunity of an adequate level of education. The underachievement of African-Caribbean children in the UK has been well documented over the years. African-Caribbean children, in particular boys, have been over represented in the figures for exclusions from school, poor examination results, emotional and behavioural difficulties (EBD), and receiving statements of special educational need (Taylor, 41; Mirza, 269). The situation has changed little in recent years. In 1998/99, the overall permanent percentage exclusion rate from school in the UK was 0.17% while the exclusion rates for Black Caribbean, Black African and Black other pupils were 0.59%, 0.20% and 0.49% respectively. These proportions represent some improvement from 1995/96 when they were 0.92%, 0.35% and 0.53% respectively. Other minority groups have much lower rates: Indian, 0.04%; Pakistani, 0.01%; and Bangladeshi, 0.07% (Department for Education and Employment [DfEE] 2000a, 27). Literature Review Socio-economic status is known to be one of the most powerful predictors of educational success. In inner-city areas characterised by poverty and high unemployment, where African-Caribbeans often live, children from lower income families face exceptional obstacles en route to success, irrespective of the values of their parents (Strand, 170). This research suggests that local communities can provide a ‘sense of belonging’ and opportunities to be successful which can demonstrate to young African-Caribbeans that it are possible for them to succeed. Despite the DfEE encouraging local education authorities (LEAs) and schools to work together to tackle the problem, the relatively high proportion of African-Caribbean exclusions continues. In addition to featuring highly in exclusion figures, African-Caribbean children have since the 1960s been labelled and identified as underachievers (see Taylor, 43; Tomlinson, 19 for reviews). Research in the 1980s and 1990s reflected the earlier findings, with African-Caribbean pupils continuing to make less progress on average than other pupils (Maughan et al., 115; Drew & Gray, 159; Plewis & Veltman, 24; Gillborn & Gipps, 17; Office for Standards in Education [OfSTED], 1999; Strand, 175). Recent figures show some improvement, from 18% of African-Caribbeans attaining five General Certificates of Secondary Education (GCSE) at grades A*–C in 1989 to 37% in 2000 (DfEE, 2000b).While this is encouraging, it has to be viewed within the context of the overall improvement in performance in GCSE grades A*–C from 30% to 49%. The relative level of underachievement of African-Caribbeans in comparison with other groups remains (DfEE, 2000b). The data describing the performance of different ethnic minorities are inevitably confounded with other factors which are known to have an impact on achievement in school; for instance, parental education and socio-economic status. In addition, there are important gender differences. At secondary school, African-Caribbean boys seem to be at greater risk of underachievement than girls because of a combination of irregular attendance (Fitzgerald & Finch, 200), low teacher expectations, potential conflict with teachers (Wrench & Hassan, 1996; Gillborn & Gipps, 18) and the high probability of being excluded, as outlined above. Less than 25% of black boys acquire five GCSEs at grade A*–C. They are likely to have GCSEs at grades lower than C or no GCSEs (Pathak, 20). In contrast, African-Caribbea girls do well at school relative to their male and female working-class peers as measured in terms of average examination performance at GCSE level (Mirza, 273; Drew et al., 163), although they may take longer to achieve their long-term educational aspirations. In relation to their respective population sizes, ethnic minority groups are overrepresented in higher education, together currently accounting for 13% of undergraduates (Modood & Shiner, 94; Pathak, 23), although they are mainly found in the post-1992 universities. A disproportionate number are mature students. Approximately 60% of Black African male and African-Caribbean females start their degrees when they are aged over 25 (University and Colleges Admissions Service [UCAS], 1999). Ethnic minority students are less likely (37%) than white graduates (53%) to obtain an upper second or first class honours degree (Pathak, 33) and they are more likely to be unemployed following completion of their degree (Elias et al.,40). Despite the overwhelming evidence for African-Caribbean underachievement in the UK, there has been very little research attempting to establish what might promote success. Tomlinson (p. 11) found that parental encouragement and support, sympathetic teachers with high expectations and the support of the (Pentecostal) church were important factors. Osler (1997, Press) reported similar findings, Channer (p. 19), using a life history approach, detailed the experiences of 12 individuals who had been successful in gaining a first degree. The research suggested that associations with the black church provided some but not all black Christians with a ‘buffer against racism’ (p. 190) but association with the church did not of itself guarantee academic success. Other factors were clearly implicated some authors have argued that studies investigating and reporting academic success in African-Caribbeans may lead to a neglect of positive action to raise standards (Osler, 1997). However, research which consistently focuses only on negative educational outcomes provides an unbalanced perspective of the African-Caribbean community as a whole and reinforces negative stereotypes which, in themselves, contribute to the problem. Further, research drawing attention to underachievement and the high level of exclusions has been limited in its impact and change is slow. Recommendations have not resulted in the necessary change in attitudes and practice in schools to bring about an increase in standards. The aim of this study is to explore the factors that contribute to the academic success of African-Caribbeans who have continued their education to postgraduate level. It is hoped that this positive focus will provide suggestions for promoting success rather than ameliorating failure. Methodology The present study sought to elicit perceptions of the educational experiences of African-Caribbeans who had experienced of education at postgraduate level. The research is embedded within a phenomenological framework. Phenomenology seeks to explore the way people experience their world. This minimizes the tendency to depend only on one theory to explain results and allows for increased ‘theoretical flexibility’ (Spinelli, 22). Semi-structured interviews were adopted. These allowed participants free expression of their thoughts and feelings regarding their educational success and facilitated an in-depth analysis of the factors which contributed to it. Following pilot work, an interview schedule was developed which explored issues relating to academic qualifications, school experiences, home influences, out of school activities, personal and other miscellaneous factors. The sample consisted of 14 African-Caribbean professionals who, with the exception of one health visitor with a professional qualification, were pursuing or had completed postgraduate studies. The participants ranged in age from 23–40. Half of the sample was male and all were of Caribbean origin with the exception of one whose parents were Nigerian. The interviews were taped and transcribed for analysis. Two researchers, working independently, categorized the statements derived from the interviews, adopting the seven-stage process outlined by Cooper and McIntyre (p. 382). There was complete agreement between them regarding the emergent categories. Analysis and Interpretation Four broad categories emerged from the data, with a number of subcategories and themes. These are set out in Fig. 1. Home and individual factors were expressed as having a role to play in contributing to the success of all the participants. Here we are going to describe few of the factors. Home Factors All the respondents reported the importance of home influences on their success. Three subcategories emerged: Parents; Environment; and Family as Role Models and Mentors (see Table I). The categories were not entirely independent. Parental Factors Parental influence on educational attainment has been demonstrated as important in African-Caribbean success in earlier research (Tomlinson, 9; Gillborn & Gipps, 19). This research identified more specific aspects of parental behavior which contributed to high levels of achievement: Support and Encouragement, Guidance, Goals and Expectations, and Knowledge. Individual Factors The second largest category to emerge from the data comprised themes relating to the characteristics of the individual. These were classified into five subcategories: Motivation; Confidence; Awareness; Talent; and Deportment and Behaviour (see Table II). As seen in Table II, self-motivation was reported as important by almost all respondents (93%). Some were extrinsically motivated, having clear external goals; others were intrinsically motivated and enjoyed studying for its own sake. Self-discipline, a desire to do well, strength and determination were recurring themes. Some of the respondents attributed their self-motivation to internalising the demands of their parents. The evidence presented suggests that a range of interacting factors contributed to the academic success of the participant African-Caribbeans. Examination of each individual case suggested two possible models of success: a home–school based model; and a home–community based model. The Home–School Based Model The home–school based model of success (see Fig. 2) shows the home, child and school grouped together as one. The school, effective with high academic expectations, is closely linked to the home and the child. There is a common purpose, shared language, culture and values. All pursue the same goal, that of academic success. Involvement in the community is important and is engaged in to provide a wider range of experiences, but it is not central to success. A sense of purpose and achievement is fostered in the school and home and internalised by the child. The child, having the major influences of their life in harmony and united in purpose, is able to succeed academically. The experiences of four of the respondents seem to described by this model. The Home–Community Based Model Fig. 3 outlines the home–community based model of success. Here the community and home together provide the child with a ‘sense of belonging’, security and acceptance while emphasizing the importance of achievement and success. The community is pivotal in providing the child with opportunities where he or she can experience success. The school is not a part of this circle. Its influence is separate and directly focused on the child. The child’s experiences at school vary, depending on the support and encouragement, or lack of it, of individual teachers who may respond to particular characteristics in the child. In this model, the school, despite having low expectations, does not deter the child from success as s/he has experienced it outside school. The child takes from the school what s/he needs to achieve the goals which have been formulated by influences outside school. In this model, the parents and representatives of the community who have been influential in the child’s life share the wider society’s perspective of what constitutes success. The experiences of the majority of respondents fit within this model. The success of these children within the school system appears to be due to their experiences of learning outside of school. Discussion This research used a small opportunity sample and the results and conclusions drawn must therefore be treated with caution. The data presented point to two models that might act as starting points for exploring the way that home, individual, school and community factors might interact in different ways to contribute to academic success in African-Caribbean children. While these models provided the best descriptions of the data presented above, no claims are made that they may account for the achievement of all academically successful African-Caribbeans. Indeed, there may be those who have shared similar experiences to those of the participants but who have been unsuccessful academically. Further research focusing on a sample of African-Caribbeans with a wide range of levels of academic attainment will be required to establish the extent to which the models have explanatory value. The home–school model outlined in Fig. 2 provides a description of the factors that contributed to the academic success of some African-Caribbean children. It suggests that where African-Caribbean children attend schools where expectations of academic success are high for all pupils, they respond to this ethos and succeed academically. However, most African-Caribbean pupils attend inner-city state schools (Pathak, 35) where there has been a tendency for academic expectations to be low and resources to be inadequate. The second model, outlined in Fig. 3, presents a scenario where African-Caribbean children are enabled to succeed despite low expectations in school and mixed responses to them by teachers. This model suggests that supportive, achievement-oriented community activities may, in conjunction with a supportive, education- focused home and motivated child, work together to provide a strong network that enables the child to succeed in school and remain focused on the goal of achieving despite the obstacles. In the research reported here, gender did not arise as a differentiating factor. The factors mediating success were common for male and female participants. All demonstrated considerable determination to succeed. Male participants, although it was not explicitly stated, had rejected the notion that educational success was negatively associated with ‘conforming’ or ‘colluding’ with the mainstream and perceived it as desirable. This being so, raising the achievement of African-Caribbean boys may require interventions aimed at engendering and sustaining positive attitudes towards academic success and making their educational experiences more positive. While the evidence suggests that they have a positive attitude towards education in general (Fitzgerald & Finch, 202), their reported negative experiences of school, particularly with some teachers, combined with strong peer pressure tends to lead to resistance and ultimately exclusion. Once excluded, the majority tend not to return to mainstream school (Parsons, 178). Educational opportunities are then further damaged and negative attitudes towards society’s values reinforced (Pathak, 37). Addressing this will require schools to demonstrate that they are actively tackling racism, monitoring the progress of ethnic minorities (OFSTED, 1999), and enriching the curriculum so that it caters for and includes all pupils (Blair et al., 53). There also needs to be a genuine demonstration that the educational achievement of African-Caribbeans will be rewarded in the employment market (Owen et al., 36); that racial discrimination will cease; and that the UK is a truly multicultural society where equality of opportunity is a reality. This level of change will take time. In the interim, deeper investigation into the experiences of academically successful African-Caribbean males and females to establish more precisely the factors that have enabled them to succeed in school and to address the concerns expressed by them is crucial. References Blair, M. & Bourne, J. With Coffin, C., Creese, A. & Kenner, C. (1998)Making the Difference: teaching and learning strategies in successful multi-ethnic schools, DfEE Research Report No. 59 (London, Department for Education and Employment), pp. 52-55 Channer, Y. (1995) I Am a Promise: the school achievement of British African-Caribbeans (Stoke- On-Trent, Trentham Books), p. 19-28 Cooper, P. & Mcintyre, D. (1993) Commonality in teachers’ and pupils’ perceptions of effective classroom learning, British Journal of Educational Psychology, 63, pp. 381–399. Department for Education and Employment (DFEE) (2000a) Statistics of Education: permanent exclusions from maintained schools in England, Issue No. 10/00 (London, DfEE), pp. 25-28 Drew, D. & Gray, J. (1991) The black–white gap in examination results: a statistical critique of a decade’s research, New Community, 17, pp. 159–172. Elias, P., Mcknight, A., Pitcher, J., Simm, C. & Purcell, K. (1999) Moving On: graduate careers three years after graduation (Manchester, Higher Education Careers Service Unit/ Department for Education and Employment), pp. 40 Fitzgerald, R. & Finch, S. (2000) Black Caribbean Young Men’s Experiences of Education and Employment, Research Report 186 (London, Department for Education and Employment), pp. 200-205. Gillborn, D. & Gipps, C. (1996) Recent Research on the Achievements of Ethnic Minority Pupils (London, HMSO), pp. 17-19 Maughan, B., Dunn, G. & Rutter, M. (1985) Black pupils’ progress in secondary schools: I. Reading attainment between 10 and 14, British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 3(2), pp. 113–121. Mirza, H.S. (1997) Black women in education, in: H.S.MIRZA (Ed.) Black British Feminism, pp. 269–277. (London, Routledge). Modood, T. & Shiner,M. (1994) Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: why are there differential rates of entry? (London, PSI Publishing), pp. 90-95 Office For Standards In Education (1999) Raising the Attainment of Minority Ethnic Pupils (London, HMSO). Osler, A. (1997) The Education and Careers of Black Teachers (Buckingham, Open University Press). Owen, D., Green, A., Pitcher, J. & Maguire, M. (2000) Minority Ethnic Participation and Achievements in Education, Training and Employment, Research Report 225 (London, Department for Education and Employment), pp. 30-39 Parsons, C. (1996) Permanent exclusions from school in England: trends, causes and responses, Children and Society, 10, pp. 177–186. Pathak, S. (2000) Race Research for the Future: ethnicity in education, training and the labour market (London, Department for Education and Employment), pp. 20-40 Plewis, I. & Veltman,M. (1994) Where Does All the Time Go? Changes in Infant Pupils’ Experiences since the Education Reform Act (London, University of London, Institute of Education), pp. 22-28 Spinelli, E. (1999) The Interpreted World: an introduction to phenomenological psychology (London, Sage), pp. 22-25 Strand, S. (1999) Ethnic group, sex and economic disadvantage: associations with pupils’ educational progress from baseline to the end of Key Stage 1, British Educational Research Journal, 25, pp. 170–202. Taylor,M. (2001) Caught Between: a review of research into the education of pupils of West Indian origin (Windsor, NFER–Nelson).pp. 40-46 Tomlinson, S. (2003a) Ethnic Minorities in British Schools: a review of literature 1960–1982 (London, Heinemann). Pp. 16-17 Tomlinson, S. (2003b) Black women in higher education—case studies of university women in Britain, in: L. BARTON & S. WALKER (Eds) Race, Class and Education (London, Croom Helm), 7-13 University And Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) (1999) Statistical Summary 1998–9 (Cheltenham, UCAS). Read More