The Impact of Racial Discrimination on Employees and Employers during the Recruitment Process - Essay Example

1. Throughout the past decades, the British labour force has experienced a dramatic rise in immigrant population and the integration of this non-native workforce with indigenous white population has been characterized by numerous problems-the most significant of which is racial discrimination in terms of recruitment and selection. This is the rationale why the present study, "Racial discrimination in recruitment and selection in the UK," is being proposed-to provide a current assessment on ramifications of race-related bias in the British workplace. Employment bias based on a person's ethnic origin still persist in the contemporary British society. Evidences of racial discrimination, as proposed by Wrench and Modood (2000), can be derived from five different sources. These include statistical evidence, discrimination testing, studies on the activities of employment decision-makers (or the so-called 'gatekeepers' who are in the capacity to hire or reject applicants), self-reports of ethnic minorities, and, lastly, the legal action employed by discriminated employees. 2. Research questions and objectives Generally, the proposed study seeks to determine the impact of racial discrimination to employees and employers during the recruitment and selection process. Specifically, the study will try to provide answers to the following questions: 1. What kind of employees would be discriminated by employers in recruitment and selection 2. What is the rate of employment for people who experienced racial discrimination What kind of opportunities are there for them 3. What do the employers need to consider when recruiting and selecting employees 4. What are the advantages and disadvantages between employees and employers with regards to racial discrimination 5. How can this phenomenon be avoided in recruitment and selection The proposed study will be conducted with the following objectives: To find the different kinds of employees that suffer from racial discrimination; To analyze whether the employees are affected by racial discrimination; To know what are the factors of racial discrimination and why they occur; To know the problems that arise due to racial discrimination in the hiring process; and, To analyze and provide recommended solutions to this problem. 3. Background and Literature Review Discrimination-Related Issues There is a myriad of studies on situations of racial discrimination in the British workplace. Racial discrimination come in numerous forms, including bias in hiring, firing, taunting, joking, etc. (Brief & Barsky, 2000; Deitch, Barsky, Butz, Chan, Brief & Bradley, 2003; Gunaratnam, 2001; Holmes, Marra & Burns, 2001; Mesthenos & Ioannidi, 2002). Likewise, Blackaby et al. (1997) suggest that workplace-related problems that ethnic minorities in the UK suffer can be classified into two major types: higher unemployment rate and lower salaries of non-natives compared to natives. Ethnic minorities have been found to steadily exhibit unemployment rates more than double of whites (Leslie et al., 1998). Evidence indicates that excluding Indian and Chinese men high rates of unemployment are experienced by ethnic minority groups. Likewise, the gap between the unemployment rates of whites and ethnic minorities seemed to rise and fall but showing no indication of a continued downward trend. In fact, the Commission for Racial Equality (2002) reports that comparative position of ethnic minority groups had significantly decreased since the 1970s. Ziegerta and Hangesa (2005) suggest that implicit racist attitudes interacted with a climate for racial bias to predict discrimination. Results of their study partially indicate that motivation to control prejudice moderates the relationship between explicit and implicit attitudes. Taken together, the findings illustrate the differences between implicit and explicit racial attitudes in predicting discriminatory behavior. Consequences of employer discrimination on ethnic minorities tend to be measured in terms of a competitive framework that considers disparities in employment benefits (typically salary rates) between racial groups after training and experience are allowed for, combined with other potential costs of employer discrimination given at best more secondary consideration (McCormick, 1986; Dex, 1986). Employer discrimination may result in higher rejection rates if firms cannot be biased by offering different salaries for the same job (McCormick, 1986), and such approach can be without cost to employers if the job marketplace remain abundant. McCormick (1986) investigates the comparative patterns of journey-to-work and expenditures for several immigrant groups in the UK. He also assessed the likelihood of these workers accepting jobs at locations that whites would likely reject to avert a long period of unemployment or a relatively mediocre work that offer lower wages. McCormick (1986) suggests that, within a particular residential area, immigrant worker may endure higher commuting/transportation costs-an area that previous studies have failed to consider when comparing occupational status or wages. Unemployment, among others, is among the most frequent problems that immigrant workers experience. In fact, majority of immigrant groups in prime immigrant-receiving countries tend to verbalize their concerns on being unemployed, compared to native born workers (see, for example, for the UK, Wheatley Price, 2001 and, for the US, Chiswick et al., 1997). Unemployment rates in the UK tend to be higher among the non-native workforce (Blackaby et al., 1997, 1999) and that these groups are unemployed not by their own doing or choice (Shields and Wailoo, 2002). Studies have proposed a number of explanations for these phenomena; the two main reasons suggest that the hiring decisions of British firms discriminate based on ethnicity and that a significant number of immigrant worker groups do not have sufficient English Language skills which is imperative to succeed in the British labour market (Hatton and Wheatley Price, 1999). Even among ethnic minorities, studies indicate that there exist disparities in their employment experiences. For instance, Chinese and Indian immigrants have been found to have salary and employment rates seemingly equivalent to those that white natives normally enjoy (Dex 1986), others, however, are in the other end of the salary/ employment spectrum (e.g., Bangladeshis, Pakistanis and Africans). Using eleven years of Labour Force Survey data (age, origin, education, employment and family information) to analyse employment of men in the 20-30 years age group, Berthoud (2000) found gaps among non-white workers, which is most considerable when educational attainments are considered. Another factor that aggravates the already-troublesome employment condition of the immigrant workforce is that the migrants' qualifications are diminished in the country of destination. A key factor that determines the economic success of immigrant workers is the so-called 'portability' of their human capital or the value of the immigrants' human capital, which they have acquired in their countries of origin, in their countries of destination. Another key aspect in the migrants' human capital that significantly affect the type of employment that they can have and that can likely explicate a major part of the migrants' difficulties in the British labour market is fluency in speaking the English Language (Dustmann and Fabbri, 2000; Chiswick et al., 1997; Carliner, 1996; Dustmann, 1994). This lack of English fluency has likely been the significant cause for the disadvantages experienced by those from South Asia, especially women migrant workers (Modood et al. 1997). Other employment discrimination-related issues include differences in the degree of cultural assimilation, disparities in educational attainment (Clark & Drinkwater, 1998; Modood & Shiner, 1994), and a varied motivation to commute (Thomas, 1997). Nonetheless, disparities in cultural attitudes among different ethnic groups in looking for employment have been found to have no significance (Thomas, 1998). Migrants' Profile Although immigrants possess considerable human capital-as most of them have finished college, necessary skills and adequate work experience from their country of origin-these do not transfer seamlessly to other countries. This can be attributed to the differences in the nature of the labor market in every country (Chiswick et al., 1997), or the employers' inability to properly assess non-British work experience and qualifications, or the migrants' substandard language skills that is key in maximizing the potentials of their human capital (Hatton & Wheatley Price, 1999; Leslie & Lindley, 2001; Dustmann & Fabbri, 2003). Fielding (1995) and Robinson (1990) have demonstrated that many migrants who were among the first to arrive at the UK have later gained substantial success in their careers. This can probably because, as they know little regarding the labour market and job search techniques in the UK, fresh migrants are compelled to accept low-entry jobs, slowly assimilate necessary skills (according to economists), get acculturated (according to sociologists), and then gradually gain considerable ground in the corporate ladder or achieve substantial leaps in their careers. Carmichael and Woods (2000) investigate the various employment experiences of selected ethnic minorities in terms of their occupational attainment and propensity to be unemployed. They argue that despite that a number of ethnic minorities in the British labour market suffer several disadvantages in terms of their labour market opportunities, these immigrant workers are compelled "to pay an ethnic penalty" when competing for jobs, but such penalties paid differ significantly among different ethnic groups in the UK. Utilising maximum likelihood approaches, the authors seek to demonstrate that the disadvantages that they experience as a result of their ethnicity cannot be thoroughly elucidated by disparities in personal characteristics and human capital acquired. On the average, this labour group has been found to suffer higher rates of unemployment compared to white natives. They also have a propensity not to be given higher salaried, non-manual employments. Carmichael and Woods (2000) attribute employers' selection practices that discriminate against ethnic minorities in the British labour market. Migrant Behaviour Thomas (1998) investigates whether the persistently higher unemployment rate of immigrants in the UK is due to cultural models of behaviour. Cultural models suggest that the recurrence of unemployment of migrants may encourage a higher leniency to being jobless and induce lesser mind-sets towards being employed and these aggravate their chances of landing in a job. Nonetheless, Thomas (1998) reports that approximations using a hazard model of unemployment periods suggest that the considerable durations of employment cannot be attributed to these factors. This finding thus lessens the validity of using cultural models in explaining the British experience. If the natives give them a hard time finding work from the white-dominated labour market, some ethnic minorities can resort to employing themselves. Clark and Drinkwater (1998) investigates how the dynamics of migration-particularly 'push' and 'pull' factors-may induce the non-native workforce to opt to self-employment. Pull factors can include some opportunities to set up their own business, while push factors can include racial discrimination. Evidence of both push and pull factors was found when data from the General Household Survey and 1991 Census are used to assess the empirical significance of these issues as well as investigate disparities between various migrant groups. Amidst the widely-discussed role of discrimination in the labour market exclusion of ethnic groups, Ogbonna (1998) avers that minimal work has been done to evaluate the efficiency of the UK Government training programs to enable ethnic minorities to minimize their disadvantage and enhance their competitiveness. The author thus makes an assessment of these pro-ethnic minority Government training programs and reports that these programs have been dismal failures and have ironically been found, in some instances, to further increase the ethnic groups' disadvantage. These programs were unsuccessful because of "the inefficiency and prejudice of the training and employing organisations which are involved in the process and the constant changes in Government policies with the development of sometimes contradictory policies" (Ogbonna, 1998). Some Legal Aspects During the 1970s, employment equity legislations were initially introduced in the UK. Sloane and Mackay (1997) investigates how these labour equity laws have fared so far, and suggests that last quarter of the 20th century has been a period of increasing levels of unemployment and a shift to deregulating the British labour market. A comparison of the legal systems between the UK and the US in resolving labour discrimination is conducted by Baker (2002), focusing on court or tribunal process and the use of ADR (alternative dispute resolution) schemes. The American system of bringing claims initially to the investigative, non-adjudicative Equal Employment Opportunities Commission and later to the US Federal Courts was found to be more costly and entails longer time, but typically results in higher compensation to the aggrieved, as compared to the British system. The system in the UK involves remediation by the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service before complaints are brought to the Employment Tribunals. The disparity indicates that the American system seems to have a greater interest for ADR in employment discrimination as compared to the British system. The study also implies that the British may likely have no need for ADR (as the Americans obviously do) considering the dissimilar general schemes and mind-sets to resolve employment discrimination between the two nations. Discrimination in Some Industries Recently, the low level of ethnic minority representation in the uniformed services has resulted in a growing public interest (Mohammed and Hussain, 2001). As a result, several members of the Scottish uniformed services have formed a committee to study the key reasons for the minimal response of ethnic minorities to vacancies in the Scottish uniformed sector. This group has adopted an extensive variety of policy measures to help increase minority representation in the uniformed services. Focusing on the accomplishments of the group, it was found that, although the police and the armed forces have been extending significant efforts to support equality of opportunity in their recruitment and selection schemes, some barriers continue to exist, which prevent advancement in the issue. Finally, studies were also conducted on ethnic discrimination in the British labour market for accountants and financial executives (Adams et al., 1995; Firth, 1981). In Firth (1981), letters from quasi-job applicants were sent in response to print job ads. Seven nationalities were represented by the applicants, who all have similar work experiences and qualifications. Findings of the study suggest that there still exists a considerable racial discrimination in labour market in the UK, a few decades after the enactment of the Race Relations Act of 1968. Synthesis Racial discrimination come in various forms (e.g., bias in hiring, firing, taunting, joking, etc.) and has resulted in higher unemployment rates, higher rejection rates and lower salaries of non-natives compared to natives. Immigrant workers are forced to endure higher commuting/transportation costs and must suffer the consequence of the decrease in value of their acquired human capital in receiving countries. Cultural models suggest that racial discrimination has taught non-natives to be more lenient being unemployed, lessen their drive to be employed which eventually results in longer unemployment periods; some have been found to resort to self-employment. Government's initiative to address the situation often fail due to inefficient and biased execution of their programs and policies. The abovementioned studies indicate that racial discrimination in the British labour market has existed and continues to thrive amidst initiatives from various fronts of society to address this unequal work practice. Indeed, the integration of non-natives into the British society has resulted in situations that is far from the ideals of equality and harmony although hope persists. 4. Method 4.1. Research Approach & Strategy The primary problem of the study-racial discrimination in employment recruitment and selection-can be best addressed using the descriptive method of study, considering the nature of this research. Descriptive research is a type of study that is fundamentally concerned with describing the nature or conditions and degree in detail of the present phenomena (Leedy 1985). This type of study gives more weight on the description more than the interpretation or judgment. According to Creswell (1998), those who utilise this approach for their research ordinarily seek to isolate the population (the valid representation of the whole universe) through the use of accurate research parameters, and documenting via a written report of the findings (what has been perceived). There are two types of descriptive research. These are cross-sectional descriptive study, which involves the collection of data for several groups at a single time, and the longitudinal type, which involves the collection of data over time. This study will utilise the cross-sectional type as it is deemed as appropriate for the present case. This paper will use the descriptive research method. It will utilise non -experimental, quantitative and qualitative approaches. This design usually has the greatest internal validity and reliability. 4.2. Data Collection Methods that will be utilised by the student to collect primary data include pre-validated, self-administered survey instruments as well as structured and unstructured interviews. Secondary data will be gathered through official corporate documents that provided information required by the study. Secondary data will also be gathered through archival and virtual research at several libraries here in London. 4.3. Sample size Respondents will be selected using purposive, non-random approach. The initial list of respondent will be gathered from a pre-listing of UK firms that are found to have a considerable number of non-native employees. The resulting list will be made into a short-list using Sloven's formula: Where: n = target sample N = total sample, e = margin of error 5. Timescale Target Date Month Task to be achieved July 2007 1 Identification of a good problem/topic for study and gathering/reading of related literature September 2 Definition of study objectives, based on study directions and literature October 3 Submission of formal proposal November 4 Reading of additional literature December 5 Updating of literature review Scheduling of interviews and survey January 2008 6 Collection, collation and analysis of primary and secondary data Writing/editing of various chapters February 7 Completion of the first draft March 8 Revision of draft as suggested April 2008 9 Submission of thesis 6. Resources Considering the focus of the study, it is very likely that I will not be require additional funding to finish the work, aside from the usual support that can be provided by the university library and academic staff particularly in my search for pertinent literature and other available materials. 7. References Adams, C. A., Coutts, A. & Harte, G. 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Ziegerta, J.C. & Hangesa, P.J. (2005) 'Employment Discrimination: The Role of Implicit Attitudes, Motivation, and a Climate for Racial Bias,' Journal of Applied Psychology, vol. 90, no. 3, pp. 553-562. Read More