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This "modesty" stems from the strategic interests and geopolitical stability of its prominent member states in addressing conflicts and maintaining order. Reform can be based on normative decisions, where countries agree without requiring military action in addressing conflicts. However, most leading states will not support this approach, and transnational, grassroots movements must act for normative reforms to succeed (Falk, 111 & 112). Even with such movements, the problem arises on how to make bring them from one point to another.
Even if the delivery mechanism is established, there is no assurance that popular behavior will be ready for such action. Thus, Falk sees UN reform as a necessity, yet impossibility. However, the end of the Cold War and Apartheid teaches us that such pessimism is not justified. Unforeseen things can happen when people struggle to effect change (Falk, 112). Falk identified several obstacles to reform: a) Geopolitical Closure - The UNSC's permanent members should relinquish some of its authority and power (veto).
The UNSC still follows the global power structure which existed in 1945; b) Problematic Leadership - U.S. dominance in the UN is unchallenged. It uses the UN to support U.S. foreign policy instead of providing the momentum for reform;1 c) UN Charter Framework - The Charter can only be amended by the 5 permanent UNSC members with two-thirds of the General Assembly, making it rigid for reform;2 d) Intervention Trap - not to intervene becomes a sign of impotency of the UN. On the other hand, even with UN intervention, governments often fail to translate military success into political gains, e) Psycho-political Globalism - Global media and transnational civil movements have rendered the patriarchal and hierarchal system within the UN outdated.
3 Falk states that UN peacekeeping should be changed. Its efforts at dispute settlement had mostly failed and those in peace enforcement only succeeded with the support and provision for such interventions by leading states (Falk, 115). Peace enforcement had been invoked in Korea and the Gulf War, both serving U.S. geopolitical interests. The UN made precedent actions, which places it between peacekeeping and enforcement. UN forces to serve as buffers, neutral to positions of adversaries, and using force only in the event of direct attack.
Viability of "enhanced peacekeeping" has been reduced because there is often an absence of consensus among the conflicting parties or UN efforts were perceived as "taking sides" (Falk, 116). Lack of political will, material, financial and military support from leading states makes success in peace enforcement difficult to attain (Falk, 117). The UN continually enters into interventions, which become impossible due to resistance tactics adopted by parties to a conflict. These resistance tactics are resorted to for undermining UN advantage in the battlefield or because they believe that political, results under UN authority would be disadvantageous to them.
With seeming impotence especially in situations of genocide where neutrality is impossible, global confidence in the UN is further reduced. Only enforcement as prescribed by Chapter VII of the Charter can revitalize UN role in peacekeeping (Falk, 118). The author notes that the realist perspective of leaders is overwhelmed by materialist interests, rendering violations in human rights even in
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