This essay attempts to show, by employing the logic of realism, that normative underpinnings of humanitarian intervention – use of military force by one country in another for the safety of the latter’s citizens – are essentially misplaced and intervention runs contrary to the practice of international relations. …
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Humanitarian intervention can be functionally defined as military intervention by one or more countries in the territory of another for the protection of citizens other than their own from humanitarian calamities. Interventions in Somalia and Cambodia were pivotal in arming this movement with powerful precedents. The failure to intervene in Rwanda, and to a certain extent in Bosnia, also served as chilling reminders of what horrors international indifference could bring about. Some scholars have argued that it is only the changing normative context of international relations, rather than theories of power and economic interests, that can explain the rationale and requirement of humanitarian intervention in today’s world. The lens of realism, instead, offers a clear and present vision of non-intervention and strategic restraint in international politics. Before outlining the key realist arguments against humanitarian intervention, it shall be prudent to take a look at the central tenets of the paradigm and its approach to world politics.
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Humanitarian Intervention-The Responsibility to Protect Development Name: Code: Collage: Date: Introduction Humanitarian intervention incorporates the use of armed military forces by a State against another state with the aim of protecting the life and liberty of citizens under humanitarian crisis who are unwilling or unable to free or protect themselves.
Several issues have arisen on the subject of humanitarian aid, the significant one being what interest do the intervening states or bodies pursue. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) concept adopted by the United Nations in 2005 has been the main point of debate with one group viewing it as a crucial development redefining sovereignty as the duty to protect people rather than borders, while another group viewing R2P as imperialism propagated by Western countries disguised to hide its true intentions (UN 2008).
Stakeholders will differ on the definition of what constitutes humanitarian intervention and what goes beyond the purpose and be more appropriately labelled as meddling in another country's internal affairs. There are further complications as to what constitutes a legitimate state or nation, and which governing force represents the true will of the people of a locality or region.
As every one of these crisis unfolded, world leaders argued that there was a duty to protect, that they should engaged in militarised humanitarian intervention for the purpose of saving lives. At each and every turn, however, the doctrine of state sovereignty was raised as a counter argument.
It is radical in that crime is seen as an endemic product of the class and patriarchal nature of advanced industrial society. (Clarke, 1980, 136-47) It is not a cosmetic criminology of an establishment sort which views crime as a blemish which, with suitable treatment, can be removed from the body of society, which is, in itself, otherwise healthy and in little need of reconstruction.
were free and peace became the global modus operandi were shattered in the early 1990s with the explosion of ethnic conflict and humanitarian tragedies on a grand scale. Ethnic conflict threatened the territorial integrity of countries throughout the world including Somalia,
The author brings to light the important tensions surrounding intervention in the 21st century. While military intervention is used very carefully, the international community has considered some type of military intervention in ending many crises. The Convention on Genocide does provide some sanction, but it has not been effective.
While NATO had varied impetuses for the action in Kosovo, as well as strengthening its integrity and shielding neighboring nations from an influx of immigrants, humanitarian intentions were amongst the apprehensions legitimizing involvement. (MOCKAITIS, 2004, p86) With
KLA started its campaigns in 1995 and they claimed that they sabotaged Kosovo police stations in 1996. They acquired a large number of arms and ammunitions in 1997 mainly by smuggling them from Albania. In 1998 they attacked the Yugoslav
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