Female Violence and Killings - Report Example

Female Violence and Killings Name: Lecturer: Course: Date: Question: “We do not have a language to represent female killing”. Discuss common tropes deployed to explain away female violence, with reference to at least one representation (filmic, media-based and so on).Discuss how a woman’s criminality is often defined in terms of their deviance from norms of white, heterosexual, middle-class femininity. Introduction The media plays a key role in constructing realities enabling dominant values in the society to be disseminated to the public. Indeed, the media comprises among the most dominant agents that diffuse criminal perceptions. Since the media can construct a universal sense of crime, they also have the capacity to construct the realities of crime. Media forms such as television, films and newspapers provide channels for propagating predominant norms in the society (Pollak 2007). The tropes used by such forms of media can have significant impact on the audience, and the society in general. In particular, crime coverage in films, newspapers and televisions impact the interpretations that individual have to crime (Cecil 2007). Indeed, some studies have established that 75 percent of people will create perceptions or opinions on crime based on the common tropes used by the media to represent crime. The common tropes used by these forms of portray women as victimised (sad), pathological (mad) and deviant (bad). This essay argues that such tropes have made women’s criminality to be viewed in terms of their deviance from norms of white, heterosexual, middle-class femininity. In regards to social construction of female killing, the media tropes create general sympathy to women killers by portraying them as victims. Weatherby, Gonzaga & Gonzaga (2008) argued that the rare yet newsworthy cases of women killers are used by the media to play on the emotions of the public. Once crime is committed, the media takes advantage of the public’s state of anomie to classify female murderous as either mad or bad. In filmic and mass media representation of female violence and killings, a woman is not depicted to be a criminal and in case she is, then she may be described as “mad” rather than “bad”, hence divergent from the norms of white, heterosexual, middle-class femininity (Neroni 2012). For instance, the tropes used in portraying female murderers as “mad” focus on the state of their mind instead of their actions. The impact of such representation is that a general feeling of sadness in created in the public. In turn, the society tends to sympathise with the helplessness and insanity of the women during the killing. In this case, the media gives the murderous woman the benefit of doubt even as her past moral action is emphasised (Sgarzi 2003). While the actions of the murderous woman are sympathised with, the state of her mind is sympathised with to a greater extent than that of a “bad” woman (Brown 1996). Media tropes also create general sense of hate towards women killers, by portraying them as deviant. When the media uses languages that portray the woman as bad, the coverage is in most cases harsh. As a consequence, the woman is viewed to be evil and her actions against what the society expects of her (Pollak 2007). She is also portrayed as manipulative and evil. Such a female killer is portrayed to have no excuses and hence deserves punishment for the crime (Weatherby, Gonzaga & Gonzaga 2008). In an attempt to establish the troubling dichotomy of feminine norms, two of the world’s most violent female killers and how they were represented by the media and perceived by the general public can be examined (Morris 2011). In the trial of Sanna Sillinpa in Finland and Rosemary West in England, both women had killed tens of people using violent methods. However, the media used different tropes in representing them to the public. Focus on West was not on her criminal actions but her bisexual tendencies (Storer 2005). The mass media representation of West made her evil, and therefore as “bad.” The image portrayed the West to have undercut her case of innocence. In the ultimate, she was found guilty of the murders. To this effect, films project an image of women criminals who are violent, resourceful and beautiful. They tend to be young, white, preoccupied with romance and stereotypically feminine (Storer 2005). The images of these women tend to also show dominant beliefs about femininity. Hence, women are more likely to be portrayed as victims rather than offenders (Cecil 2007). Such a scenario is depicted in the film ‘Sister my Sister,” where the murder of Madame Danzane by the two sisters is depicted to be explainable by the mental derangement of the two sisters (Paghat 2013). Conversely, the media’s portrayal of women as “mad” has helped women killers to escape from taking responsibility of their criminal activities. In the case of Sillinpa who had been involved in a killing spree of several men in Finland was portrayed differently (Helsinki Sanomat 1999). The mass media such as televisions and newspapers paid no particular attention to on her crimes. Rather, emphasis was on her state of mind. She was therefore portrayed as ‘mad.” For instance, a news media represented her as “withdrawn and paranoid.” She ultimately gained sympathy as she began to be viewed as a “sick and poor” female killer (Evans 2012). She was therefore a case of a “mad” female killer. Consequently, the jury and the public perceived Sillinpas as being feminine and unstable. The effect is that she was not convicted for her crimes. Rather, she was referred to a mental facility. Based on these two cases, it is clear that when the public and media are confronted by a woman who has engaged in multiple homicides, they get into a mental shock. They afterwards classify the women killer with the view of determining why they chose to engage in the killing. From the case, it is clear that women are more likely to be portrayed as victims rather than offenders when woman’s criminality is continually defined in terms of their deviance from the norms of white, heterosexual, middle class femininity (Brown 1996). Such disparity in sentencing leniency is attributable to a range of reasons. For instance, Berrington & Honkatukia (2002) argues that media tropes in representing female murders has impacted how certain laws are formed in a country, so that different social definitions of crime vary, hence impacting sentencing leniency. Indeed, the ways in which media coins its languages to represent women killers has an impact on trial and the actual punishment. Using the model of “mad” and “bad” female murderers, it is conceivable that an explanation can be given for the disparity in the modern trials (Pollak 2007). Indeed, such reflect on the gender stereotyping in addition to the social norms that surround the roles and expectations of women and men due to the way in which the media depicts men and women killers. The concept has also been used in some filmic representation of women by certain media tropes (Paghat 2013). In the film ‘Sister my Sister”, the women’s violence is justified by the fact that they have deviated from societal norms, and therefore they are not “bad”, rather, they are “mad.” In this case, since their violence is softened and almost portrayed to be justified, there is apparently nothing to stop them from taking up violence in addition to being as violent as men (Sansone & Sansone 2009). Female aggressiveness does not concur with the ideal image of women in the ideology of the society. Indeed, the emergence of aggressive female characters in films depicts a manifestation of social antagonism. These themes are demonstrated in the 1994 film “Sister my Sister”, where Christine is the maid of a well-to-do family (white middle-class female). Her sister Lea is afterwards also hired. The two sisters become greatly alienated from their employer due to class separation. The two become increasing close to the point where there relationship blossomed to a love affair (lesbianism). This scenario brought about tension between them and their employer. There is also great dissonance as Madame Danzard (their employer) uses her class superiority to abuse her servants, who respond with monstrous violence. Eventually, the two deviant sisters conspire to murder Made Danzard (Paghat 2013). Such depiction by the media has made women’s criminality to be viewed in terms of their deviance from norms of white, heterosexual, middle-class femininity (Paghat 2013). Based on the model of “bad” and “mad,” women are not considered to be likely criminals due to the tropes used by the media to represent them, hence causing expectations on the way they should be judged by the society. This has in effect transgressed the sense of law. In addition, it has signalled transgressions from the social norms of being feminine. Indeed, such a norm is regarded to be common in the media representation of female offenders. Hence, they are often argued to impact the kind of punishment and sentences (Evans 2012). Such was evident in the tropes used by the mass media, reflecting how female killers are viewed different to men killers. To the women, violence was considered as a failure of self control while for men, it is indicated as the urge to have imposing control over the others. For instance, for women, the objective of commission of killings is a cataclysmic release of amassed tension, while for men the reward is the urge to gain power over another person (Kruttschnitt & Gartner 2008). Media tropes make women killers to be viewed as violent, bisexual and social outcasts. Basing on the extent in media tropes portray women killers as victimised (sad), pathological (mad) and deviant (bad), an explanation can be made for the disparity in trials in the modern society, such as in the landmark cases of female offenders Andrea Yates and Aileen Wuornos in the United States. The media employed tropes to explain the “bad” female offender Aileen Wurnos in light of being predatory serial killers (Kustura 2012). Wurnos garnered national attention, resulting to her story gaining filmic representation in the 2003 movie “Monster” (Rottentomatoes.com 2013). She admitted killing seven men within a twelve-month period from December 1989 while working as a prostitute in Florida. She was charged with six counts of murder. Although she pleaded that the killings were out of self defence, the media depicted her as monstrous with accounts of her background where she had robbed men. She was executed by lethal injection in October 2002. Basing on Labelling theory, Wurnose was perceived as a violent bisexual and a social outcast. Basing on presumptions created by the media, her case was based on her strong enigma and her social character based on the accepted perspectives on femininity (Kustura 2012). The media portrayal of “mad” women has caused the society to be lenient to women killers. In the media portrayal of Andrea Yates, the public was informed shockingly on the crimes of a “mad” housewife who in June 2001 killed her five children by drowning them in a bath tub. She afterwards laid the drowned children side by side in her bedroom before calling the police. The media was active in establishing the cause of her behaviour, and even showed that Yates had been suffering from postpartum depression, which makes one get confused (Associated Press 2006). In some media portrayals, Yates was a victim whose psychotic symptoms had made her think that her children were not developing in the right way. Hence, her children were better dead. In her initial trial, she was found guilty of murder and sentenced to life. After her appeal however, the ruling was overturned and she was found not to be guilty by reason of insanity. She was sentenced to a mental facility (Associated Press 2006). This reflects how a woman’s criminality is often viewed in terms of their deviance from norms of white, heterosexual, middle-class femininity (Carll 2003) Conclusion Overall, crime coverage in films, newspapers and televisions impact the interpretations and perceptions that the society has towards women killers. The common tropes used by these forms of portray women as victimised (sad), pathological (mad) and deviant (bad). Indeed, such tropes have made women’s criminality to be viewed in terms of their deviance from norms of white, heterosexual and middle-class femininity. Such perceptions can be instrumental in ensuring their ultimate acquittal or conviction. Further, representation of female killings involves preservation of the typical image of womanhood. It is indeed clear that existence of violent female characters in different tropes such as in the film “Sister my Sister” that reflects the reluctance of the society to accommodate the image of women as pure criminals. References Associated Press 2006, Woman Not Guilty in Retrial in the Deaths of Her 5 Children, The New York Times, viewed 16 Jan 2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/07/27/us/27yates.html?ref=andreayates Brown, M 1996, The Portrayal of Violence in the Media: Impacts & Implications for Policy, Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra Carll, E 2003, Violence and Women: news Coverage of victims and perpetrator, viewed 16 Jan 2013, http://psycnet.apa.org/books/11213/010 Cecil, D 2007, " Dramatic Portrayal of Violent Women: female Offenders on Prime Time Crime drama," Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture Vol. 14 No. 3, pp. 243-250 Evans, K 2012, “Media Representations of Male and Female ‘Co-Offending’: How female offenders are portrayed in comparison to their male counterparts," Internet Journal of Criminology, 1-24 Helsinki Sanomat 1999, Sillanpää guilty of three counts of manslaughter, viewed 16 Jan 2014, http://www2.hs.fi/english/archive/today/121099-04.html Kustura, K 2012, Serial killer Wuornos' memory lives on 10 years after death, News Herald, viewed 16 Jan 2014, http://www.newsherald.com/news/crime-public-safety/serial-killer-wuornos-memory-lives-on-10-years-after-death-1.25882 Morris, S 2011, Fred West's daughter criticises ITV drama about the serial killer, The Guardian, viewed Jan 16 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/media/2011/mar/29/fred-west-daughter-criticises-itv Neroni, H 2012, The Violent Woman: Femininity, Narrative, and Violence in Contemporary American Cinema, SUNY Press, New York Paghat 2013, Sister My Sister, viewed 20 Dec 2013, http://www.weirdwildrealm.com/f-sister-my-sister.html Pollak, J 2007, "Crimes in the News: How crimes, Offenders and Victims are Portrayed in the MEdia," Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture, Vol. 14, No. 1, 59-68 Rottentomatoes.com 2013, Monter (2003), viewed 16 Jan 2014, http://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/1128647-monster/ Sansone, R & Sansone, L 2009, "Borderline Personality and Criminality," Psychiatry Vol. 6 No. 10, pp.16-20 Sgarzi, J 2003, The Media's Influence on Behaviour and Violence. Is Society the Victim of the Media, viewed 16 Jan 2014, http://wps.pearsoncustom.com/wps/media/objects/9450/9676891/CJ371_Ch04.pdf Storer, J 2005, Watching a murderess most foul, BBC News, viewed 16 Jan 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/4439184.stm Weatherby, A, Gonzaga, J & Gonzaga, R 2008, "The Value of Life: Female Killers & the Feminine Mystique," Journals of Criminology and Criminal Justice Research Vol. 2 Iss 1, pp.1-12 Read More

In the trial of Sanna Sillinpa in Finland and Rosemary West in England, both women had killed tens of people using violent methods. However, the media used different tropes in representing them to the public. Focus on West was not on her criminal actions but her bisexual tendencies (Storer 2005). The mass media representation of West made her evil, and therefore as “bad.” The image portrayed the West to have undercut her case of innocence. In the ultimate, she was found guilty of the murders.

To this effect, films project an image of women criminals who are violent, resourceful and beautiful. They tend to be young, white, preoccupied with romance and stereotypically feminine (Storer 2005). The images of these women tend to also show dominant beliefs about femininity. Hence, women are more likely to be portrayed as victims rather than offenders (Cecil 2007). Such a scenario is depicted in the film ‘Sister my Sister,” where the murder of Madame Danzane by the two sisters is depicted to be explainable by the mental derangement of the two sisters (Paghat 2013).

Conversely, the media’s portrayal of women as “mad” has helped women killers to escape from taking responsibility of their criminal activities. In the case of Sillinpa who had been involved in a killing spree of several men in Finland was portrayed differently (Helsinki Sanomat 1999). The mass media such as televisions and newspapers paid no particular attention to on her crimes. Rather, emphasis was on her state of mind. She was therefore portrayed as ‘mad.” For instance, a news media represented her as “withdrawn and paranoid.

” She ultimately gained sympathy as she began to be viewed as a “sick and poor” female killer (Evans 2012). She was therefore a case of a “mad” female killer. Consequently, the jury and the public perceived Sillinpas as being feminine and unstable. The effect is that she was not convicted for her crimes. Rather, she was referred to a mental facility. Based on these two cases, it is clear that when the public and media are confronted by a woman who has engaged in multiple homicides, they get into a mental shock.

They afterwards classify the women killer with the view of determining why they chose to engage in the killing. From the case, it is clear that women are more likely to be portrayed as victims rather than offenders when woman’s criminality is continually defined in terms of their deviance from the norms of white, heterosexual, middle class femininity (Brown 1996). Such disparity in sentencing leniency is attributable to a range of reasons. For instance, Berrington & Honkatukia (2002) argues that media tropes in representing female murders has impacted how certain laws are formed in a country, so that different social definitions of crime vary, hence impacting sentencing leniency.

Indeed, the ways in which media coins its languages to represent women killers has an impact on trial and the actual punishment. Using the model of “mad” and “bad” female murderers, it is conceivable that an explanation can be given for the disparity in the modern trials (Pollak 2007). Indeed, such reflect on the gender stereotyping in addition to the social norms that surround the roles and expectations of women and men due to the way in which the media depicts men and women killers.

The concept has also been used in some filmic representation of women by certain media tropes (Paghat 2013). In the film ‘Sister my Sister”, the women’s violence is justified by the fact that they have deviated from societal norms, and therefore they are not “bad”, rather, they are “mad.” In this case, since their violence is softened and almost portrayed to be justified, there is apparently nothing to stop them from taking up violence in addition to being as violent as men (Sansone & Sansone 2009).

Female aggressiveness does not concur with the ideal image of women in the ideology of the society. Indeed, the emergence of aggressive female characters in films depicts a manifestation of social antagonism.

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