Female Gang Membership - Essay Example

Female Gangs Introduction Gangs are one of the most criminally destructive groups in our society today. From rioting to theft to destruction of property, these gangs create chaos and havoc to the peace and order of society. In the traditional context, males dominate the gang population; however, in the contemporary context, females have also increased in membership. Inasmuch as females are not common members of gangs, female gang members have already been seen as far back as the 1800s, serving as counterparts of male-dominated gangs (San Diego County Office of Education, n.d). However, these females have been seen as inferior to male gang members and for which reason they have often played a smaller role in these gangs. In the technical sense, most of these females have not been considered as gang members, but as a relative or as girlfriends (SDCOE, n.d). In effect, they have often been viewed in a subservient role – people who would hold weapons or drugs or as sex toys. Today, most of these roles are still seen among female gang members, however, many female members have now taken on male roles as a means of integrating their lives into gangs (SDCOE, n.d). Many of them emulate male members in terms of clothing, criminal activities, tattoos, graffiti vandalism, weapons use, as well as the application of violence. Their reasons for joining gangs are as varied as their male counterparts and their activities in these gangs are also related to a variety of reasons. This paper shall now consider female gangs, their reasons for joining gangs, their usual activities in these gangs, the crimes they commit, their initiation process and related qualities. This paper is being carried out in order to establish a clear and comprehensive understanding of the female gangs and their involvement in these gang-related activities. Discussion Female gang members, as was mentioned above, have traditionally been considered by law enforcement authorities as nothing more than “accessories” to male gang members (Curry and Decker, 1998). As a result of these perceptions, law enforcers have been reluctant to qualify female activities in the gang as gang-related activities. The fact that there is a biased perception on these activities not being naturally feminine also affects the perception of these female activities. In the recent context however, attention has been brought forth to the commission of violent crimes by young women (Archer and Grascia, 2005). Females have not been considered capable of carrying out so-called male crimes because of gender stereotypes – females being weaker and incapable of violent acts, and males being strong and violent (Archer and Grascia, 2005). This biased and inaccurate thought process often leads to the underestimation of anger and the physical and emotional violation visited upon females; in some instances, such underestimation, often leads to lack of services for females who are at risk or who need physical and psychological help. There are various reasons for female gang membership. Studies on delinquency and social bonds which affect delinquency indicate that those with the strongest bonds with social institutions like family and school are the least likely to become delinquent (Hirschi, 1969). This social bond includes four elements, namely attachment (connection to family, peers, etc); commitment (investment to conventions of society); involvement (participation in traditional activities in school or with family); and belief (acceptance of basic values and laws (Hirschi, 1969). Those with the strongest commitment are those who believed in conventions and values, and as such are the least likely to be delinquent. Female delinquency increased in the 1990s with the manifestation of male-related behavior, including carrying of guns, fighting, and joining gangs (Chesney and Pasko, 2004). Relationship with peers and with friends seem to be the main reason for female gang membership as the process of joining became a conscious decision which created possible choices, mostly between losing friends or keeping them or in being “in” or being an outsider. For many gangs, membership is seen to serve an adaptive function – teaching survival means in a harsh environment. Many females may also see gang membership as a means of easing their fears in relation to victimization, based on their previous experiences as victims (Archer and Grascia, 2005). As a result, they see gangs as protection from other gangs or from violent activities in their neighborhoods. Females also seek gang membership due to their relationships with male gang members, and they carry out various functions for their male gang member-boyfriends as weapon-carriers, drug-carriers, or as sexual objects. As a result, many females have been arrested for carrying weapons and/or drugs for their boyfriends; and some even serve as their boyfriend’s alibis during suspected criminal activities (Archer and Grascia, 2005). In various studies, family relationships seem to play a less significant function in motivating gang membership. But emotional qualities like low self-esteem and poor relationships have a more significant impact on female gang membership, atleast more significant than the absence of parental control or family poverty (Archer and Grascia, 2005). This is not to say that family issues do not play a significant role of female gang membership because gang membership may also offer some form of refuge to females from emotionally distant parents, violent patterns of behavior at home, and stormy home environments. Some females also join gangs as a means of gaining respect. Based on their activities within the gang, some of them feel pride in these activities, and feel a strong affinity for these gangs and what they can accomplish as gang members. Reports from early 2000s reveal that gang membership in the US decreased, but female gang membership seems to have increased, and that girls seem to be catching up with their male counterparts when it comes of gang membership. Many of them are also joining gangs for the same reason as the males (Mendez, 1996). Studies also reveal that females are committing more violent crimes with each passing year, and their involvement in these crimes is no longer confined to being an accomplice; many of them are now the principal instigators of violent crimes (Archer and Grascia, 2005). They are no longer sidekicks or sex objects; they also shoot guns and some of them often end up being powerful leaders in these gangs. There are various pathways which lead females to gang membership and juvenile behavior. Many female gang members report a history of physical and/or sexual abuse, either in the hands of a family member, a significant other, an acquaintance, or a stranger. Some of them report that such abuse was experienced before they reached the age of 18 (Archer and Grascia, 2005). About twenty percent of these female delinquents have also spent time in the foster care system and 50% have grown up without both their parents being present. About 40% report growing up in an environment where parents are alcohol/drug abusers. In effect, many of these girls being members of gangs or engaging in delinquent behavior express that they come from unstable home settings, with violence and drugs often involved (Archer and Grascia, 2005). As a result, many of these females report being runaways, escaping the home environment at a young age and living in the streets or travelling from one place to the next as truants. This background already instills in these females a strong sense of survival which puts them at risk of being easily recruited into gangs where they would feel an affinity to a group – an affinity which they have not been able to experience in their homes or in their schools. In instances when these young females are arrested and brought into the juvenile justice system, they are often subjected to further abuse from police officers in the form of demeaning language, pushing, hitting, strip searches, and even inappropriate touching (Acoca, 1999). Once again, these are incidents which impact significantly on females and often spur them into the hands of gangs. In order to join gangs, females go through more or less the same initiation methods which males go through. Some of the tests include carrying a weapon, committing property crimes, shooting people, and physically assaulting people (McCabe and Martin, 2005). Some tests also include that of being “sexed in” where the females are required to have sex with a gang member; in some instances, there is a required number of gang members the female has to sleep with before she can be initiated into the gang (McCabe and Martin, 2005). Some gangs also prescribe to the “jumping in” method where they are beaten by other members of the gang. Many female gang members are involved in some sort of gang-related or delinquent behavior. Surveys on young female gang behavior indicate that delinquency rates are usually lower than male delinquency rates, but are higher among non-gang members and non-gang males (Esbensen and Huizinga, 1993). Some of these females have also been known to participate in atleast one serious delinquent act. Non-gang members (females and males) have been known to mostly been involved in petty delinquent crimes. About 33% of these females are also known drug users, further exacerbating the gravity of their acts (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). Female gang members usually do not commit as much violent crimes as their male counterparts; their crimes mostly involve property crimes and status offenses (Moore and Hagedorn, 2001). These patterns of behavior usually presented differently depending on the region or territory involved; some areas exhibited more violent acts from female gang members. Atleast 78% of these gang members have also been involved in gang fights, and 65% in carrying weapons, and about 39% involved in attacking someone with a weapon (Deschenes and Esbensen, 1999). Drug dealing has also caused much concern among authorities with most offenses involving female gang members often involving drugs. An analysis of lifetime arrest records among known female gang members in the Los Angeles County established that drug offenses were the most common cause of arrest (California Department of Justice, 1997). This same trend was seen in the Chicago area. In a landmark research by Moore and Mata (1981) the authors interviewed about 80 heroin-addicted Mexican-American female gang members. It was revealed that female dealers who were also addicts usually obtained their drugs from their suppliers and some obtained it from their relatives. With their husbands in jail, they often ended up entering the drug dealing trade, working for someone else or for themselves (Moore and Mata, 1981). Based on these findings, it can be established that female gang members dealt in heroin as a means of supporting their habit or as a means of making a career of their gang activities. The sense of empowerment given by gangs to females is also one of the biggest draws of female gang membership (Weiler, 2000). Many female gang members feel empowered by their gang activities. They feel that they are invincible as a group because they feel that their other peers and gang members “have their back”. Some of them also feel good and empowered by the fact that they can intimidate other people into doing something for them (Miller, 2002). They also felt empowered by their drug trade as it made them self-sufficient and independent. They felt that they had other people who could protect and back them-up when retaliation was needed. Young women gang members often feel a gender-based protection when they are members of predominantly male gangs (Miller, 2002). Gangs often exist in larger social settings where gender inequality and sexual exploitation are apparent. In effect, gangs are seen as a refuge from these dangerous societal settings. In a gang of men, women members would atleast feel some protection and security from other men in the larger and more dangerous societal setting (Chesney-Lind, et.al., 1996). Females are also likely to use their gender as a means of shielding themselves from gang violence. Since most female gang members usually occupy lower positions in the gang hierarchy, they are often not expected to be involved in the major and violent gang activities, including the carrying of guns, drug dealing, and violent activities. In most instances, female gang criminal activities mostly involved other female gang members as well, not so much male-female; as a result, there are less risks of serious victimization (Miller, 2002). And still even with the protection afforded to female gang members, the risk for exposure to violence is still constant. Risks of running into rival gangs and the simple matter of living in a gang-infested neighborhood places one at an ever-increasing risk of being violently swept into gang activities. Based on research, potential gang members often associate with gangs first before they become full-fledged members (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996). Among women, they usually start hanging out with gang members at very early ages, 12 or 13 years on average. By the time they are 14, they are usually full-fledged members. These gangs represent many things for female gang members, not the least of these including the escape from racial and gender discrimination. Exposure to neighborhood gangs is one of the main causes of female gang membership (Decker and Van Winkle, 1996). Research suggests how female gang members mostly came from neighborhoods which were dominated by gangs and their related criminal activities. In other words, their physical proximity to these gangs made it easy for them to eventually end up in these gangs. Lacking close relationships with their primary caregivers have also prompted these women to turn to their siblings or other family members in order to gain a sense of attachment and family (Walker-Barnes, et.al., 1998). And in instances when these family members are gang members, they also often end up being gang members. Furthermore, even when relationships with parents are strong, having older siblings or family members who are gang members also increases the risk of a person joining gangs (Joe and Chesney-Lind, 1995). In effect, female gang membership very much relies on the influence that other people can have on the person. The closer relationship sometimes creates a higher risk for eventual gang involvement. Conclusion The above discussion sets forth that female gang membership has increased in recent years. Where their traditional role and membership in gangs have focused on minor and “girlfriend” roles, now such roles have expanded to full-fledged violent and serious gang activities. These activities include violent crimes, theft, destruction of property, drug dealing, and homicide. For the most part, membership in gangs have been caused by environmental factors, family membership, poverty, peer influence, and the thirst for protection and belongingness. These factors have prompted various individuals to seek membership or to be recruited in these gangs. Their initiation includes the usual initiation processes for male members, including beatings, robbery, theft, homicide, and in some instances sexual intercourse with male members. Since the issues which give rise to gang membership have not been resolved, female gang membership would likely increase in the years to come. Works Cited Acoca, L. (1999). Investing in girls: a 21st century strategy. Juvenile Justice, VI(1). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Archer, L. & Graschia, A. (2005). Girls, gangs and crime: profile of the young female offender. 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