The Declining Incidences of Strikes in the United States - Research Paper Example

Labour strikes and labour movement are on the decline in United s of America. Figures are self-speaking. In 1954, 34% of the workers were members of labor unions. Now the figure is below 20%. (Goldfield, 1989, p.1). “Mass strikes involving more than a thousand employees dwindled from more than 400 in 1975 to fewer than fifty” in 1980s. By 1990s, the number was around 25. (Weir, 2007, p.843). In 1945, unions won 82.9% of National Labor Relations Board elections. (Goldfield, 1989, p.1). But in 1990s, the percentage dropped to 47. (Craver, 1995, p.35). To understand the extent and causes of this phenomenon, one needs to leaf through the labor history of this country. Once the European settlements grew in America, notions of prosperity based on agricultural development slowly started to be replaced by the mineral wealth mined out from the earth. Gold and silver became the most coveted attributes and mining expeditions often ended up in looting of ancient civilizations like Aztecs and Incas. The American labour class emerged from the Native Americans who were deprived of their godly havens of Mother Nature and left to toil for a living by this new civilization. (Nicholson, 2004, p.4). Expansion of trade succeeded the crusades of 13, 14 and 15th centuries. America along with the whole world was witnessing the birth of the merchant class, the bourgeoisie. Colonies in Africa were established initially to exploit the rich natural resources but eventually the merchants realized that they could make use of the physical capabilities of the black Africans to further their commercial interests. America started importing African slaves who thereby joined the labour forces of the country. When following the civil war, slavery was finally abolished in 1865, all the free slaves got consolidated into a more visible form of working class. ( Nicholson, 2004, p.6). Thus it was the ethnic mix of natives and black slaves that formed the labouring masses of this country. Philip Yale Nicholson, writing on the labour history of USA had noted several historians observing that “the wealth produced by slavery and slave trade provided the economic foundation for the industrial revolution and that plantation slave labour was the precursor to the property-less industrial working class or proletariat.” (Nicholson, 2004, p.6) The working conditions of the early labourers were so inhuman that the human spirit in them often revolted in the form of “theft of property, flight into the wilderness or other colonies, rebellions, slowdowns, strikes, mutinies and suicide.” In the 15th and 16th centuries, colonies in North America enforced laws setting maximum wages for the labourers.(Nicholson, 2004, p.17) Even in those days, in history, crude forms of labour strikes could be spotted but they were more like feuds and disagreements rather than organised bargaining attempts. The first ever known work stoppage happened in 1636 which came to be known as the Maine fishermen strike. The Charleston chimney sweepers’ strike was another landmark protest that gained a place in history. (Nicholson, 2004, p.20). The strikers were prosecuted on charges of rioting. In 1730s, legal authorities finally responded to such labour actions when one English court ruled that striking workers in the colonies could be prosecuted for criminal conspiracy (Nicholson, 2004, p.20). Such actions did not deter workers from expressing their discontent. New York journeymen tailors put up a strike against reduction of wages in 1768 and carpenters of the Hibernia Iron Works went on strike demanding a hike in wages in 1774. All these strikes were organised under the friendly societies or clubs of labourers. (Nicholson, 2004, p.34). The American struggle for freedom from British power had instilled dreams of independence, dignity and equality in the minds of the workers also. This prepared ground for the coming of a labour movement. The workers who joined the independence movement became the early members of labour unions after independence. On the other hand, the newly established independent nation in its attempt to develop national capital, facilitated exploitation of labour to a greater extent but paid no attention to compensate the workers on an equal footing. The introduction of new technologies pushed workers further away from the control of capital and brewed discontent (Nicholson, 2004, p.46). Nineteenth century saw the formation of workingmen’s parties in American states but these organisations were more political groupings than trade unions. The Workingmens Party of the United States (WPUS) was the first political party in the country to be inspired by Marxian trade union thought. The National Labor Union formed in 1866 was the first national union in United States. After the decline of the NLU, the Knights of Labor took over its role in 1869. Their major demands were abolition of child labor and recognition of eight-hour day for workers. The railroads strike opposing lowering of wages were organized by them in 1884. The strike was a success and as a result, the membership of the organization increased to 700,000. But the notorious Haymarket Massacre, had the side effect of declining their influence. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) was another powerful labor organization that came into existence in 1904. By this time the demands of the labor force included better working conditions and better wages. Between 1875 and 1900, more than 22,700 strikes took place in USA. American Federation of Labour viewed strikes as the most effective tool to materialize labour rights. ( Weir, 2007, p.842). Dissenting views also existed in those days among labourers regarding strikes as Knights of Labour opposed strikes and argued for mandatory arbitration laws to deal with labour disputes. Courts used to pass verdicts based on the assumption that strikes were illegal conspiracies and infringement of the rights of the employers. The authorities also were mostly hostile to labour strikes. By 1890s, an average of two workers was killed in police firing, each time a strike occurred. (Weir, 2007, p.842). But in 1842, for the first time in the labour history of America, a striking union won the case, commonwealth v Hunt, in court in its favour (Nicholson, 2004, p.48). The government was also waking up to the cause of labour rights. The Clayton Act of 1914 gave the workers in US the legal right to carry out collective bargaining. But was the National Labour Relations Act of 1937 that imparted real strength to this legislation. 10-hour day to workers had become law in 1840s itself. The Great Economic Depression of late 1930s saw a new volcanic eruption of a series of labour strikes until they were banned by the Supreme Court. By 1940s, labour unions in US were well-established. During World War II, union membership had increased from nine million to over fourteen million members. (Goldfield, 1989, p.1). The Taft-Hartley Act passed in 1947 amending the National Labour Relations Act was the first major blow to the trade union movement. This act imposed restrictions on the activities and powers of labour unions. The act banned jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, "common sit ups" picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. The union officers were forced to sign non-communist affidavits with the government under the act. Thus the Congress of Industrial Organizations was purged of communist leaders and activists. (Smith, 2006, p.191). 11 unions and nine lakh members were expelled in this way from CIO. (Patterson, 1997, p.54). The attempt to build trade unionism in Southern United States, particularly in the textile industry by Congress of Industrial Organizations soon after World War II was also a complete failure owing to the deep-rooted racial differences and restrictions imposed by Taft-Hartley Act. The drive was defeated also due to “determined opposition from the state governments and from the textile industry,” says James.T. Patterson (1997, p.52). This backlash not only impeded the growth of trade unionism in the South and the North as well. It also provided a safe haven for companies in South to migrate to, in case of a threat of strike in the North. The conservative political wing of the country hastened this decline by posing the very existence of labour unions as adversarial to national progress. Robert. E. Weir has observed that “the administrations of Ronald Reagan ( 1981-89), George.H . Bush ( 1989-93) and George.W.Bush (2001-2009) were openly hostile to unions.” (Weir, 2007, p.842). The Professional Air Traffic Controllers’ Organization went on a strike in 1981 and it was dealt with an iron fist by Ronald Reagan. He “fired the striking air controllers, ordered the Justice Department to take action to decertify the union and refused ever to rehire or return the strikers to their former positions” ( Beik, 2005, p.249). Mildred. A. Beik also has drawn attention to several other anti-working class actions of Ronald Reagan. (Beik, 2005, p.252). Reagan “entailed several budget cuts in social programmes”, “gave tax cuts for the wealthy” and “made key appointments of people who were considered union-busters in labor circles.” (Beik, 2005, p.252) National Labour Relations Board had become filled with representatives from business and courts had eventually ruled that hiring of replacement workers during a strike was legal. (Weir, 2007, p.842-843). In the NLRB v Mackay Radio & Telegraph Co. case, the Supreme Court decision was an all out bail out for the employer. Strikes started ending up as impossible situations to win as strike breakers were hired by companies. Companies also made use of this opportunity to prolong the settlement and thereby tiring the unions out of their resources. After the onset of globalisation, some companies also started closing down their operations and moving on at the slightest hint of an organised protest. Then the era of globalisation dawned and the labour equations changed unforeseeably and irrevocably. Blue collar jobs declined in numbers, consequently draining the labour unions of their strength. Weir observes that “public employees, teachers and white collar workers are now better positioned to strike than blue-collar employees” (Weir, 2007, p.843). Technology is another crucial factor that further decentralised the labour movement and created a “crisis of human obsolescence” for the workers.( Craver, 1995, p.41). Computers have segregated the skilled and semi-skilled employers into the white collar category and to a work force doing only menial jobs. The labour-saving technologies have created a surplus of labour thereby lowering its market value. ( Craver, 1995, p.41). Outsourcing arrangements are also preferred by companies as less expensive safer labour alternatives. ( Craver, 1995, p.43-44) In the last few decades, women and minorities have come to constitute a major portion of the labour force. Immigrants are another similar and new group that has entered the labour market of US. (Craver, 1995, p.37-38). This demographic shift indicates greater participation of the weakest sections of society in labour force but they nonetheless are left out unassimilated into the trade union schemata. Michael Goldfield has argued that the “expulsion of the left from the trade unions, a process ranging from 1946 to middle 1950s” was also a factor that caused the waning of trade unions. (Goldfield, 1989, p.241). The conservatism of American working class, development of cold war and the anti-communism and patriotism that was associated with that and also the repressive measures carried out by the state are cited by Goldfield (1989) as the major reasons for this expunction. (p.241). Business houses have also played a role in suppressing the vitality of labour movement. “ In fact, most corporations have exhibited an overt hostility toward concerted employee behaviour” (Craver, 1995, 47). In 1980, ten thousand workers were illegally terminated for their union activities. (Craver, 1995, p.49). “Declining union membership” led to “diminishing political influence” and “decreasing economic clout” of the unions.(Craver, 1995, p.36). So the unions are neither able to effectively undertake bargaining with the industry nor capable of winning favourable decisions from the state authorities. Now non-union companies abound in US and one important observation is that “with numerous non-union firms operating in almost every industry, unions are no longer able to constrict production through a general work stoppage.” (Craver, 1995, p.37). “This helps explain the substantial decrease in strike activity over the past fifteen years.” (Craver, 1995, p.37). The white collar workers of US are now less inclined to strike as better working conditions and better pay scales prevail for them. But the economic boost that made this possible is often created at the cost of economic colonization of the developing world. ( Craver, 1995, p.44). Craver( 1995) has reminded that “ during the past twenty years, the world has witnessed private enterprise colonisation unmatched in this century. (p. 44) “When a work stoppage occurs at a United States facility of a Multi-National enterprise, the affected corporation is frequently able to make up the lost production at a foreign plant” (Craver, 1995, p.47). This brings down the bargaining capacity of the labour unions of America to the lowest ever ebb. Outsourcing has also resulted in loss of American jobs (Craver, 1995, p.45). Craver (1995) also points to another aspect of this reality in the following words: The use of such “runaway” facilities greatly reduces employment costs. It also diminishes the need to deal with labour organizations because organisational and bargaining rights are denied in many developing countries. This approach appeals to American Corporations that do not wish to interact with workers on a collective basis. (p.47) The reformist rather than revolutionary attitude of the Congress of Industrial Organizations has failed to address the complexities involved in the weakening of labour rights. “ The CIO had linked its fate to reform, not broader social change, and to the Democratic party,” says Mildred.A. Beik (2005) in his book on labour relations and adds that “ for the first time in US history, the radical voices that had been present in the mainstream American labour movement throughout its existence were missing or effectively silenced.” (13). The time and social ambience is ripe for a new mass labour movement in the country. There are reasons to believe that the new wave of unemployment and wage reduction for American workers clubbed with the economic recession may induce a new energy into the labour class as was witnessed during the great depression of 1930s. The blue collar workers in USA may seek new allies in the regional minorities, women and immigrant workers to build a new class partnership for this. References Beik, Mildred. A., 2005, Labour Relations, Greenwood Publishing Group. Craver, Charles.B., 1995, Can unions survive?: The rejuvenation of the American labour movement, NYU Press. Goldfield, Michael, 1989, The decline of organized labour in the United States, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Nicholson, Philip Yale, 2004, Labour’s story in the United States, Temple University Press. Patterson, James.T., 1997, Grand expectations: United States 1945-1974, Oxford University Press US. Smith, Sharon, 2006, Subterranean Fire: A History of Working-Class Radicalism in the United States, Haymarket Books. Weir, Robert.E., 2007, Class in America: Q-Z, Greenwood Publishing. Read More