What Are the Features of a Gendered Approach to New Media - Essay Example

What are the features of a gendered approach to new media? Illustrate your answer with examples from cyberfeminism. Introduction The current digitaldevelopments have created a world full of major possibilities for most people, regardless of gender. Computers and the internet, including other technological developments have mostly been founded on generic conditions with accessibility and use not affected by gender considerations or even socio-economic factors. The gendered approach to media is based on a gender-related perspective on new media, mostly in relation to new tools of media relations and images. This paper shall consider the features of a gendered approach to new media, using examples from cyberfeminism. Body The gendered approach to new media shall be discussed based on cyberfeminism and some examples of how it applies to new media. According to Sadie Plant (1997), cyberfeminism is a completely post-human insurrection. It is said to refer to a reaction of a new system which incorporates women and computers in relation to the global perspective and obvious reality of patriarchy which usually subjugates such women (Plant, 1997). In this case, there is a coalition of goods against masters, in this case, an alliance of women and machines (Bassett, 1997). Such ideal considerations between women and machines have also been observed in the VNS Matrix and its Cyberfeminist Manifesto for the 21st century. Rosi Braidotti (1996) also declares that cyberfeminism has to support a system of affirmation with women engaging in cyberspace in order to ensure that it would not be marked by men and their penchant for male domination. Under such context, there is a need to eliminate the previews views of feminism, popular in the 1970s. Cyberfeminism declares that 1970s feminism is often guilt-inducing, anti-sex, and based on political correctness. Such 1970s feminism is also not relevant to women’s conditions in new technologies (Braidotti, 1996). However, in the actual setting, cyberfeminism has also included other applications of feminist movements like strategic separatism, social as well as language theory assessment, and the establishment of new images for women on the internet to resist persistent sexist stereotypes, strategic essentialism, and similar concepts (Plant, 1997). The rejection of historical feminism is an issue because it relinquishes also the new ideals, aligning itself with fears and stereotypes about feminism. In scanning internet content, majority of the popular feminist agitation presently apply by women on the net includes a cybergrrl-ism in all its incarnations including webgrrls, guerrilla girls, bad grrls and the like. As pointed out by Braidotti (1996), the humorous, angry, aggressive, and even ironic work of these grrrl groups is a crucial indicator of novel subjective and cultural female applications in cyberspace. At present, there are different indications of feminist practices in these groups which span the continuum of any female allowed to join conversationalist mailing lists, to cyberpunk and sci-fi territories or sites. The range also covers anti-discrimination activities, sexual exhibitionism, lesbian separatism, artistic self-promotion, and simply expressing oneself (Braidotti, 1996). Cybergrrlism supports the net utopia which couches the concept of anything the female wants to do in cyberspace is cool concept. Notwithstanding the grievances against men in general which cover some of the discussions, most cybergrrls do not seem to be engaged in political discussions. Instead, these ‘grrls’ seem to prefer the anti-theory concept which is dominant in the 1970s. In other words, they would rather move forward and express themselves in their artistry and their interactions. Although cybergrrls often use feminist concepts based on the mass media ideas about women, and on the work of other feminists, they also unconsciously apply sexist applications of women from popular media (Braidotti, 1996). Such representations include the supersexed cyborg gaming character or the curvaceous woman holding the gun; oftentimes, there is no attempt to recontextualize these images. Establishing more complicated and relevant images of women which eliminate the gendered ideals on the internet and in the mass media includes different smart people with suggestive feminist studies in play, spanning Haraway’s monstrous cyborgs, Butler’s gender performativity, and Octavia Butler and her discussions on recombinant genders (Wilding, 1996). Different hybrid organisms can then shake the old feminine and masculine dualities. The cybergrrlish concepts are significant sources of investigation, research, and invention. However, they cannot substitute for the hard work which is needed in order to transform gendered concepts and content (Wilding, 1996). These concepts also cannot temper the impact of new technologies on women around the world. Women have had bigger roles in the rise of digital technology, especially as these women have been part of the development of every stage of digital technology, as assemblers, simulators, and even as programmers. However, as pointed out by Plant (1997), women are less visible in positions of leadership in the digital world. Only a small percentage of women are programmers, software designers, and hackers; although majority of assemblers, installers, and tele-operators are women. As a result, the perception on women being technophobic is very much persistent. Even where women have made significant contributions to the invention of computers, the perception and reality of women relationship with new technologies has not changed (Wilding, 1996). Being ‘bad girls’ on the net is not on its own going to significant upset such perception, even if it may indicate encouraging moments of radical euphoria. However, if ‘grrl power’ and invention were to be combined with involved political practice, the possibilities would be endless. It would indeed be a good moment to see cyberfeminists engaging with the cunning internet users and conceptualize new ideals of languages and subjectivities in the internet. At present, the collaboration between academic feminine theorists and female artists is poor (Shih, 2006). If these individuals were to work with each other to interpret new theories, a more inclusive and less gendered digital conceptualization can be established. The primary discussion in cyberfeminism refers to the tension between the political economy needed to create the setting for the internet and its dependence on exploited labour as well as dissident possibilities of such technologies (Royal, 2005). Donna Haraway (1995) has been an iconic figure in cyberfeminism and her concept of the cyborg and the dissident possibilities of a cyborg future are being discussed actively by scholars (Flanagan and Booth, 2002). In relation to such future, critics have considered the problematic conceptualization of women of colour being placed in manufacturing work as cyborgs. The production of microchips by women in sweat shops in Third World countries and the placement of women in call-centres in these countries have not eased on the stereotypical concepts of Third World women. In considering the global setting, it is clear that those in industrialized countries are more likely to have computers and internet access as compared to those in developing states (Norris, 2001). The actual reality of the political economy is that women are still considered the poorest citizens of the world and the digital setting has not changed such condition at all. However, collective-level country-specific information demonstrates how women are participating more online, sometimes even faster than men (Sassen, 2002). However with compromised economic resources for many women in the world, they are still trailing behind men in the use of computers and in internet coverage and access (Leggon, 2006). Nevertheless, the rates of increase in internet use among women are steadily increasing. Pro-Ana The advent of pro-ana or pro-anorexia sites indicates that some women, mostly the white and the young, have established online communities in order to support the finding and promotion of strategies for disordered eating behaviour, including anorexia nervosa and bulimia. These young women feel ambivalent about anorexia, as they both accept and resist it as a diagnosis for their eating disorder (Dias, 2003). In the study by Fox and colleagues (2005), one of the respondents felt that if an individual would be starving herself or is purging herself solely because of the desire to look like a supermodel, such an individual would not have all the elements to be diagnosed anorexic. Anorexia, under these conditions is considered a mental disorder, often relating to the mind-play with oneself in relation to food and exercise (Fox, et.al., 2005). The reconceptualization of anorexia reworks the often disabling idea of eating disorders as something based on the ability which would not cover all people who are starving themselves. The respondent’s mention of her favourite supermodel is very revealing because supermodels and celebrities are all part of the resources and products which young anorexic women in pro-ana websites consider as their thinspiration. The young women in these pro-ana groups use the internet to gain support for their rituals on diet, exercise, and purging within the perceived safety of their pro-ana co-members, very much away from the judgmental eyes of other people, including, and mostly their parents (Dias, 2003). The young women who are pro-ana indicate that the rituals used by their community allow the members to control their bodies (Walstrom, 2001). Also, images of their thinspiration are even posted on YouTube, Facebook, and other personal websites (Daniels, 2009). Regardless of how these practices are perceived, young girls in these pro-ana sites are using the technologies relating to the internet in ways which are provoked by their desire to be thin and their desire to conform to what they believe as the best body shape they should be in (Daniels, 2009). Those taking part in the pro-ana sites may sometimes not be sure about their personal body ideal embodiment; still, the reality is that they are not participating online in the pro-ana sites to veer away from corporeality, but mostly to actively discuss with others about their bodies through text and images in ways which actually help them control their bodies (Daniels, 2009). Pro-ana websites exposes two cultures. One culture presents the myth that is beauty which relates very much to food obsessions and psychological issues (Wolf, 2002). The other culture covers the digital space which is an electronic world which promises a new venue, freedom, and unlimited space. Both worlds have the ability to entice. A young teen suffering from an eating disorder is enticed by the images of her self-worth measured based on flawless skin, a bountiful mass of radiant hair, and a size 0. She is further enticed when her desire to gain such perfection involves a persistent cycle of bingeing, purging, and starvation (Bryson, 2004). The myth of beauty may eventually overwhelm her and she becomes even more preoccupied with fixing what she perceives as her physical failings. The other obsession which is associated with the ideal body image is founded on the absorbing digital realm of the internet. Cyberspace is a strong lure, often attracting many people for a significant period of time, sometimes causing addictions and creating individuals who are considered cyberholics (Barnes, 2001). As an enticingly modern genre, cyberspace calls for major participation and immersion. Very much like the myth of beauty, the digital setting can envelop and can cause the development of certain patterns of behaviour. Culture has related stories of enticement. When these cultures meet, new issues and stories are often borne (Bryson, 2004). The convergence of groups for eating disorders and the electronic cyberspace has created these pro-ana websites. In these websites, purging, bingeing, and even self-harm are discussed casually as routine activities. It is the website where bulimics participate in show-and-tell often indicating goal weight and their weight loss activities (Strate, et.al., 2003). It is a place where two cool and enticing mediums are married – that of the internet and anorexia/bulimia. Pro-ana groups and gathers individuals in their common cause for eating disorders within the digital world. Pro-ana websites has gained much attention from the media, including highly-respected news networks like CNN and The New York Times (Hanson, 2003). The pro-ana culture has been featured in these articles and most of the narratives in these articles chronicle young women with eating disorders using the internet to gather and embrace bulimia as another lifestyle. In these articles, women have created their own culture. Pro-ana groups need a ‘place’ where they can ‘meet.’ Also, since anorexia and bulimia are generally regarded as psychological diseases, pro-ana is also considered a taboo, one which is unlikely to thrive within the public’s gaze and attention (Hanson, 2003). It therefore needs a discreet place where meetings can be safely carried out. Cyberspace provides the best medium for them. Cyberspace can fulfil the principles and the creed of the pro-ana group (Hanson, 2003). The internet provides a venue wherein individuals can express their feelings of guilt and shame, or their feelings about their body, as well as their efforts to lose (more) weight. Just as the activities which may prompt confession in the church are part of the concept of the imperfect individual, so too are the behaviours favouring anorexia which leads to online confessions which are also considered normal (Harris, 2005). The confessions and the text which follow from other members provide comfort and reassurance to the members. Similar elements have been seen in websites supporting war veterans experiencing post-war trauma where the support groups become therapeutic resources for the members to use. Under the current conditions, the pro-ana websites also help anorexics to continue with their disordered eating, also helping them deal with issues and conflicts with parents and friends (Harris, 2005). In one posting with the website, a member, who only weighed 79 pounds at 5 feet 3 inches, posts that she needs advice on what to eat without gaining weight in order to prevent her parents from hospitalizing her (Hanson, 2003). The responses which followed included advice on what to eat, which included big salads which would appear as if she were eating big portions of food, but in reality the caloric contribution of the salad would not be very substantial. There were no responses questioning or seriously considering her parents’ concerns. Through these pro-ana websites, these pro-ana women who considered eating disorders as a socially acceptable behaviour also find support from other members (Hanson, 2003). Some of the responses to posts seeking advice on how to avoid eating foods would in normal society would be considered unhealthy, however, in the pro-ana sites, they are handed out without concerns on how these behaviours would actually affect their health. Individuals suffering from gender-identity issues who are alienated from the world often find their comfort and peace in discussion groups where the members share similar issues and concerns. In the same way, the pro-ana women find their solace from the digital community in order to deal with their weight concerns (Brooks, 2001). The social conventions are rewritten in this media. Anorexic women in this case are able to use the internet as a tool in order to further their perceived notions of beauty and ideal body weight. Due to the self-disclosing nature of computer-based communication, women are able to share information with each other which would not be revealed beyond the website. The lack of face-to-face contact and reactions from members allows the members to express personal issues under a less emotional setting (Barnes, 2001). Emotional conversations with therapists, parents, or religious ministers are usually face-to-face and matter of fact discussions for anorexic individuals. Within the pro-ana community, the members have established a close-knit community, one which has established their own set of socially-acceptable behaviours. The combination of eating disorders and digital technology has paved the way for pro-ana. Pro-ana, as reported by the media is also supported by the concept of what is considered ‘cool’ by current youth and technological standards (Brooks, 2001). Its subsistence is based on its function as an online support group. Computer and digital technology has transformed the isolated, disparate, and scattered group of anorexic and bulimic women into a coherent online group. Pro-ana provides a refreshed picture on cyberfeminism which seeks to clarify the possible limitations of the internet as a socially restorative genre and tools. Cyberfeminists deliberate whether gender and masculine/feminine hierarchies may be improved or further explored through the internet (Graham, 2001). Pro-ana seems to be the quintessential cyberfeminist archetype which is controlled by women whose self-concepts and bodies inhabit spaces of multiplicity while still representing individual selves. Still, anorexia seems to imply defeat for some feminists. Pro-ana has become an avenue by which to take issue with the unique probabilities of new media or technology. Rather than being totally transformative, the internet cannot be divorced from previous styles of communication (Graham, 2001). Interactions by which individuals want to inject themselves with others are vulnerable to traditional societal hierarchies. This paper makes of pro-ana websites in order to establish a more comprehensive understanding of the gendered approach to new media. The new media in this case refers to the pro-ana websites. Gender considerations relate to feminist theories and how binary considerations of the disease refer to medical and societal considerations (Daniels, 2009). Rebecca Lester (1997) discusses the psychoanalytical concepts of anorexia based on individual pathologies, a disembodied self which is placed beyond space, time, culture, and gender, while still sticking to specifically gendered and classed considerations on health and normalcy. Lester (1997) also points out issues on traditionalist feminist assessments of anorexia, which is also based on dual concepts, often replacing the medical model’s body with the socially accepted body. Lester (1997) further supports the individual and psychological experience and the historical context where the body is conceptualized and anorexic applications secure meaning. Conclusion Attempts to deconstruct the gendered hierarchical considerations which constitute language – male/female or mind/body – to determine and assess the discussions on anorexia are placed within a hierarchical setting. Such framework displays how anorectic behaviour is supported by society and how anorexics, often perceived as perfectionists are linked to positive qualities in medical settings, while also labelling her emaciation as asexual. Acknowledging the experiences of anorexics being idealized and stigmatized provides light on why anorexics may utilize pro-ana websites to provide conflicts of pride and isolation. Whether seen as cyborg feminism or post-modern materialization of deviance, pro-ana cannot be separated from the internet. Since anorexia is so much linked with the body in terms of practice and discourse, the internet medium where the material body is not present is very much significant to any assessment of pro-ana. Although earlier internet theories focus on the lack of body and of self, such concept must be reassessed. Instead of merely rejecting the self, internet declarations and involvement in online groups present tools to reconsider oneself and one’s body, referring to the possibility that bodies are not simply physical beings, but can also become disputed objects. In the same sense, such rethinking cannot be considered an organic change. Same as anorexia, new concepts and possibilities through the internet are constructed out of previously set but changeable dissertations. References Barnes, S. B., 2001. Online connections: Internet interpersonal relationships. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Braidotti, R., 1996. Cyberfeminism with a difference. London: Routledge. Brooks, J. (2001, August 2). Internet a refuge for those with eating disorders. WebMD Medical News [online]. Available at: http://my.web.md.com/content/Article/34/1728_85382.htm [Accessed 23 March 2014]. Bryson, M., 2004. When Jill Jacks In: Queer Women and the Net. Feminist Media Studies 4, pp. 239–54. Daniels, J., 2009. 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