Speakers Notions Of Both Tell-ability And Tellership - Essay Example

For every word being uttered, and every idea being communicated, there is an and a receiver. The process of communication happens between these two entities. In a formal narrative, the author is called the narrator. But in an informal narrative like the personal narration in a conversation, the terminology more apt is that of tellership and tellability. According to Ochs and Capps (2001, 24), “tellership refers to the extent and kind of involvement of conversational partners in the actual recounting of a narrative”. Ochs and Capps (2001, 24) have also suggested that tellership resides in the hands of one or many (24). When there are many tellers, multiple narratives overlap, interact and create a comprehensive, new narrative. Sometimes, a narrative is defeated by a counter-narrative also (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 43). This concept can also be elaborated as; “tellability is related not only to the sensational nature of events but also to the significance of events for particular interlocutors and the way in which events are rhetorically shaped in narrative” (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 34). There have also been other definitions for tellability and tellership. Duranti (2006, 282) has said that “tellability refers to the significance of the narrated experience and the rhetorical style in which it is related.” He (2006, Duranti, 282) also added that some experience have high tellability and some have low. “Experience recounted as highly reportable (and) in a compelling manner” is considered as highly tellable and “experience recounted as moderately reportable and in an uncompelling manner” is evaluated as having low tellability (Duranti, 2006, 282). Tellability has been defined by Herman (2009, 382), by drawing ideas from many other scholars (Herman 2002; Labov 1972; Waletzky 1969; Norrick 2007; Prince 1987; Ryan 1991), as “that which makes an event or configuration of events relevantly reportable… in a given communication situation”. Another simple definition for tellability is that when we say “stories need to have tellability….they need to have a point” to make” (from Male Narrative pdf that you gave [Author’s name is needed here, you have not given me the name], 21). There are two conflicting factors in a narrative, according to Ochs and Capps (2001,24). They are, “narrators’ yearning for coherence of life experience and their yearning for authenticity” (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 24). A woman’s narrative always tend to favor coherence of life experience even at the cost of authenticity because, a woman’s notion of tellability is often related to the subtle equations of justice, equality and democracy as compared to that of men. Women consider the sharing and community interaction important above all other factors (Male Narrative [Author’s name is needed here instead of the word ‘male narraitve’], 35-37). The values like justice, equality and democracy are inevitably part of maintaining such a community ambience. This is the reason behind the accusation that women are often hesitant and marginal speakers and that they lack authenticity. Actually, examples of conversational situations cited below could prove that the so called gender-specific ‘hesitation and lack of authenticity’ is the result of an increased awareness and acceptance of the democratic rights of the other speaker. The most common form of a highly tellable account is defined as having “one active teller, relatively detached from surrounding talk and activity, linear, temporal and causal organization, and (having) certain, constant moral stance.”(Ochs and Capps, 2001, 23). Based on this definition, it can be inferred that women’s narratives lack these qualities in general (Ochs and Capps, 2001). But the notions of tellership for a woman, gives enough space to the tellership of others also and even for multiple narratives. Similarly, a woman’s notion of tellability is not governed by what is considered authentic by a patriarchal society but by her own rules of humanism and equality. Ochs and Capps (2001, 25) have inferred that “a teller may incorporate several voices through embedded quotes.” It is also suggested that “tellers seek the clarity and coherence that linearity offers” (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 45). But they also have opined that “non-linear narration opens narration to multiple truths and perspectives and the realization that certain life experiences resist tidy, ready-at-hand interpretive frameworks” (2001, 45). It is these definitions that apply more to a woman’s notion of tellership and tellability. In one example cited by Ochs and Capps (2001, 11), Jon (the husband) is seen flaming up Marie’s (wife) confusion and self doubt by telling her how he would have behaved in a better way in a similar situation. He goes on repeating that she is a weak, indecisive kind of person (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 11- 13). Here, it can be derived, based on the inferences of ------[add the name of the author of ‘male narrative’ here], that Jon is “performing masculinity” (35). But the high handedness of Jon can be compared to Marie’s more sincere doubts in which, she approaches matters with a more inclusive and democratic view of life (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 12-13). Jon says that when he says something, he sticks to that to the end. This approach concerns only with keeping one’s credibility and never bothers to admit one’s mistakes even at the cost of losing credibility (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 12). This personal narrative is described as a typical American situation by Ochs and Capps (2001, 15). They (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 15) further moves on to explore how a Samoan tribal chief, in a Polynesian village, converses with his companions. Ochs and Capps (2001, 16) here draws attention to the sense making process involved in narrative activity which is also interestingly based on equality rather than the situation of Jon and Marie (Ochs and Capps, 2001,15). In Jon’s and Marie’s case, the counter-narrative grabs all the authenticity but in this case, narration is an equally shared process in which sense making is the primary objective. In another speech situation retold by Ochs and Capps (2001, 38), husband is seen overlapping the tellership of his wife by sometimes reinforcing her narrative and often creating a counter-narrative. Jim, the husband is also seen trying to impart a silly tone to his wife’s otherwise serious narration (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 38-39). Here the tellability of the event itself is questioned by the mocking counter-narrative of the husband. But the wife keeps on her narrative, firmly believing in its tellability. Her tellarship is often interrupted by the husband. But it is interesting to note that she allows space for his tellarship also. In the conversation by school girls cited by Ochs and Capps (2001, 16) also, the tellership is equally shared by the interlocutors. Though Bea was the initiator of the conversation, she gives Julia an equal space and even allows her to dominate. She also is not much bothered about the authenticity of her version as she is concerned about the truth of it. She even asks the question whether she was stupid in her actions. For these experience tellers, the process of sense making is more important that winning an argument. And in this conversation, the evaluative clauses used by Julia stands proof to the tellability of the story (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name, 33). ---------- (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name) has observed that “women’s stories are often precisely about the ordinary and the everyday” (35). The conversation between Bea and Julia is such an event but the evaluative clauses used by Julia signify that a women’s notion of tellability is different from that of men. It is also observed by -------------( insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name) that certain themes like “ heroism, conflict (and) achievement are (typical of men’s stories) but not of women’s stories” ( 37). A narrative “full of hesitation, queries and consideration of alternative perspectives” is often difficult to “demarcate and systematically analyse” (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 23). This is what gives birth to the discriminatory treatment of such narratives by analysts and researchers. Thus linear and authentic narratives always grab the centre stage. Narratives having, “multiple, active co-tellers, moderately tellable account” and those which are, “relatively embedded in surrounding discourse and activity, nonlinear temporal and causal organization and uncertain, fluid moral stance” thus get discarded as weak having low tellability (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 24). In another speech situation, between Mom and Dad, Dad is seen often keeping silent to Mom’s queries (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 29). Here the notion of tellability varies between man and woman. The man here does not believing in the tellability of the woman’s account and this happens in several of the nexamples quoted by Ochs and Capps (2001). The chuckles and coughs of Katherine while listening to Algy is another instance when, women express their notions of tellability of an event through their own particular language (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 23). What a girl finds tellable is also of great interest to a language analyst. Stacie, a school girl is cited by, Ochs and Capps (2001, 32) as narrating a gruesome event in which a single mother puts her baby into the oven. Here, the sensational nature of the event is what increases the tellability of the event for this girl. In another instance, for Oren, what is tellable is a funny mistake that she made, when she ate something that looked like pickle thinking that it was pickle (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 35). So the frivolous also is tellable depending on the teller’s and interlocutor’s age and gender and other demographic factors. In an adolescent fight story, quoted by Ochs and Capps (2001, 41), a linear narrative evolves in which the listener is not provoked to contribute much as in any linear narrative. Here the teller and the interlocutor are girls of same age and social background and this is what causes, in all probability, the absence of a counter-narrative. But in all the conversations cited by Ochs and Capps (2001), in which people from both gender are involved, a counter-narrative is present without exception. Another finding that has been made is that a woman’s narrative is often more part of a story sequence than that of a man (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name, there are no page numbers given in the text but the page number as counted in the pdf file is 6). In all the conversations recorded by Ochs and Capps (2001) it can be noticed that conversations among all women groups are never competitive but among all men groups, they are often (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name, there are no page numbers given in the text but the page number as counted in the pdf file is 6-7). As Duranti ( 2006, 282) has said, tellability not only depends on the importance of the event but also to the “rhetorical style” in which it is told. A woman’s rhetorical style comes up again for discussion here. Speaking through questions is a method to involve the other person in the narrative and the women speakers cited by Ochs and Capps (2001) generally are seen to raise questions to coax the interlocutors to become part of the narration. A takeover of the narrative is invited in this rhetorical style. Another technique commonly adopted by women is the use of silences, pauses and non-syllabic utterances. For example, in the conversation between the students and Mrs. Collins, the silence and non-syllabic reactions of students, in the beginning, indicate the authority that their teacher commands (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 46). But such very brief responses and silences can also be a sign of strong authority or passive affirmation as in the case of Jon while responding to Marie’s narrative (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 9). “To recount something in a compelling manner” is the success of tellership, according to Duranti (2006, 282) and this is proved by the narrators, like Mrs. Collins, Meg, Joan and Stacie as quoted by Ochs and Capps (2001, 33, 41, 43, 46). Mrs. Collins narrates her story with “negative effect markers” as “bo::y” and WOW (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 46). This invites the listener to get emotionally influenced by the narrative and make evaluative reactions as well. The rhetoric of Stacie is equally powerful in the sense that she builds up suspense until the end of the narrative. Meg’s narrative uses another rhetorical technique in which her self-absorption in the narrative becomes a mesmerizing factor for the listener and highly increases the tellership that she commands. Mrs. Joan on the other hand, uses the method of linear narrative to enhance the value of her tellership. Now, when it comes to the factor, tellability, the examples cited by Ochs and Capps (2001) can be generally categorized into having high and moderate tellability. The discourse between Marie and Jon has a subject having only moderate tellability (9-13). The topic discussed by the school girls, Bea and Julia has also only moderate tellability (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 15-16). In the speech situation involving Beth and Lisa, blasphemy is the topic and this topic is usually accepted by all as highly tellable, at least to a majority of listeners (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 28). The topics (a scary weird experience) handled by Stacie (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 33) and Julia (a physical fight with her father) are also highly tellable (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 37). It has been derived that majority of women’s stories are about the recent past while that of men are about distant past (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name, there are no page numbers given in the text but the page number as counted in the pdf file is 7-8). In the conversations cited by Ochs and Capps (2001), all the all-female narratives are about the recent past. The talk between the two males, Tavo and Fonoti is an example of an all-male narrative space and here, the issue of possession and its robbery is discussed as is typical of male narratives to talk about property and the power on it (Ochs and Capps, 2001, 14-15). In general women are found to be capable of imparting drama into their narratives and also selecting though ordinary, highly tellable topics. But all the same, they are also found to be in the habit of raising topics which are marginal to the mainstream patriarchal narratives. Their narratives can be considered as “narratives of the community” as compared to the “narratives of contest” practiced by men (insert 2nd pdf file’s author’s name, there are no page numbers given in the text but the page number as counted in the pdf file is 11-16). Finally, the tellability and tellership are two factors determined also by the level of understanding of the interlocutors. The inference that women as tellers and listeners, have a different notion about these two dimensions of narration when compared to men, holds true in majority of occasions. Works Cited Duranti, A., 2006. A Companion to Linguistic Anthropology, New jersey: Wiley-Blackwell, p.282. Herman, D., 2009. Basic Elements of Narrative, New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell, p.385. Ochs, E., Capps, L., 2001, Living Narrative: Creating Lives in Everyday Story Telling, Cambridge, M.A: Harvard University Press. ‘She’d Made Sardines in Aspic’: Women’s Stories, Men’s Stories and the construction of Gender, ------------------------ ‘Good Story!’: The Formal Charecteristics of Male Narrative, ------------------------- Read More