Historical Roots of the Conflict Leading to Genocide in Rwanda - Essay Example

Your Historical Roots of the Conflict Leading to Genocide in Rwanda Among all thehistorical incidents of mass killing, civil conflict, and genocide, Rwandan Genocide 1994 is the most shocking and extraordinary one. Over a period of only 100 days from 6 April to July 16 1994, nearly 800,000 (United Nation) to 1 million (Rwanda government) Tutsis and some moderate Hutus were slaughtered by extremist Hutus (qtd. in SURF).Apparently this massive killings happened as consequences of the killing by Bahutu (Ba is a prefix used to denote a group) political opponents and violence sparked immediately after Juvenal Habyarimana’s airplane was shot down over Rwanda’s capital Kigali. The president of Burundi was also killed in the same incident (Hintjens 241).According to an estimate 5-10 per cent of Rwanda’s population was exterminated between second week of April and third week of May 1994, it proved to be the highest casualty rate of human population caused by non-natural factors (Prunier 261-265). It is evident that such extraordinary incidents as Rwanda’s does not happen by accident and genocide is not caused by a single factor (Gaparayi 3).There is a consensus about the multiplicity of the factors involved in the conflicts in Africa. Rwanda’s 1994 genocide case is not exception (Villier qtd. in Gaparayi 4).There are several views when it comes to defining the causes of conflict, major focus of this paper is to identify and analyze the historical roots of the conflicts that led to genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Brief Overview of Factors In order to identify the cause of conflicts that led to genocide in Rwanda, some argue that its root cause is embedded in pre-colonial political and social structures of Rwanda (Kangura 1995; J-J. Maquet 1961) while others argue that it initiated by the imposition of colonial powers which was a system of ethnic identity and political/administrative structures that led to division in Rwandan society (qtd. in Gaparayi 3).Moreover, colonial imposition was conserved by two Hutu regimes since independence which finally led to the conflicts and 1994’s genocide (Fundi qtd. in Gaparayi 3). Ethnic and Social Identities and Roots Rwandan people are composed of two major groups, Hutu and Tutsi. Hutu are in majority comprising nearly 85 per cent of the population, Tutsi are 15 per cent while a third minority group Twa or pygmies comprise 1 per cent of total population. Hutu are considered to be settlers from south and west while the Tutsi people came to Rwanda after Hutu people from the north and east. These two groups organized themselves in semi-autonomous communities and established links through trade, marriage, and other social engagements. According to estimates, nearly half of Rwandans today have both Tutsi and Hutu ancestors. Therefore, a group of scholars believe that the difference among them were social and economical rather than their ethnic identity (IJR 7).Despite similarities and shared culture, there are several factors that separated Tutsi and Hutu throughout history and kept the tension building. Tutsi Oppression Irrespective of their origins, these groups lived on same hills and shared similar social and political culture where identities are divided more into clans rather than ethnicity. It continued until the second of half of nineteenth century. Tutsi King Rwabugiri (1860-95) intervened into the Hutu and Tutsi’s autonomous relationship by introducing a form of feudal labor. According to this setting, Hutu access to land was allowed in return for labor. On the other hand, it exalted Tutsi status to cattle farmers. However, historical evidence suggests that these differing lines between Hutu and Tutsi continually blurred. It is because laborers acquired upward social mobility and status of Tutsi by getting cattle though marriages, barter, and trade. At the same time, some Tutsi became Hutus because of their declining economic conditions (IJR 7). Colonial Roots The Rwandan conflict was historically entrenched as it ran through pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial times. The conflict has its roots in myth, legend, incompatible histories, and hostilities within Rwanda and Rwanda and its neighbors. Rwanda was surrendered by Belgium to Germany at Berlin conference in 1885. The colony was surrendered to Belgium after the 1st world war. The Belgians enhanced the monarchy and promote the Tutsi minority against the Hutu majority. The Belgians knew them as having a natural tendency to rule or govern. At that time, they were considered to be “European under the black skin.”Furthermore, there appointment in the leading positions in the colonial administration reinforced their position. On the other hand Hutu were established as working class and subsistence farmers. Social relations were considered until after the World War II. Afterwards, privileged Tutsis started ranking them not only as superior to the Hutus but also equal to the Belgians (IJR 6-8). In the meantime, social reforms in Belgium triggered colonial policy shift in favor of Hutus. Considering the favorable situation, Hutus demanded political reforms with the basic objective of their status enhancement. Hutus’ demand agitated Tutsis because they considered it as efforts to undermine their privileges. As a result of this conflicting situation, violence erupted which led to massacre and mass Tutsi exodus in 1959.Tutsis migrated to different neighboring countries. With Belgian support, Hutus demanded complete abolition of Tutsi (Rwandan) monarchy (IJR 8). First Republic and Violence Hutu Parmehutu Party came into power in 1961, their leader, Gregoire Kayibanda’s statement is inscribed on Genocide Memorial in Kigali (IJR 8).While describing Rwanda, Gregoire Kayibanda stated, “Two nations in a single state...two nations between whom there is no intercourse and no sympathy, who are as ignorant of each other’s habits, thoughts and feelings as if they were dwellers of different zones, or inhabitants of different planets” ( qtd. in  IJR 8). Rwanda got independence from Belgium in 1962.Identity cards which served to ensure Tutsi privileges during Belgian rule were used to discriminate them in education and employments after independence. In later years, Parmehutu leaders acted against Tutsis. The situation became even worse by developing situation in Burundi where a Tutsi military officer, Michel Micromere came into power by an army coup in 1966.Both Burundian army and government were purged of their Hutu officials. Micombero confronted a Hutu uprising in 1972.To restrain the rebellion, Micombero killed 200000 Hutus and put an equal number to exile in Rwanda and other places. On the other hand, Kayibanda oppressed Tutsis in Rwanda even more (IJR 8).Kayibanda stated that, “Tutsi domination is the origin of all evil the Hutu have suffered since the beginning of time. It is comparable to a termite mould teeming with every cruelty known to man” (qtd. in IJR 8).Responding to exceeding hatred, he restricted Tutsi participation in politics and economic spheres of society which resulted in further Tutsi exodus from Rwanda. Despite the presence of Tutsi privilege since pre-colonial era, ethnic divide was further intensified and politicized during colonial period. In the later period, Kayibanda regime further strengthened the divide by establishing views of Hutus as “indigenous” and Tutsis as “alien” (IJR8-9). Through their discriminatory policies, government initiated an intensive and omnipresent propaganda that Tutsi were foreigners who oppressed Hutu for four centuries of serfdom. Furthermore, revolution and republic was a result of Hutu majority’s victory over feudal Tutsi minority(Gasana et al. qtd. in Gaparayi 8).This propagandist scenario, as supported by OAU Panel Report (2000) conditioned people for violence and internalized a message of racist prejudice of the regime established on the an antagonistic vision of Tutsi. The divide and mounting disagreement led to anarchy which resulted into the end of First Republic on July 5 1973 (Gasana et al. qtd. in Gaparayi 8). The Second Republic In 1975, President Habyarimana established one party system in addition to creating Mouvement revolutionnaire national pour le developpment (MRND) and every Rawandan was its member including newborns. There was no political pluralism and structure of totalitarian government incorporated one party authority from top to bottom(Gaparayi 8).According to OAU Panel Report(2000) economic growth (1982) and then decline (1986) led to widespread discontent and inequality among rural and urban areas which aggravated peasant farmers(qtd. in Gaparayi 9). Lacking control over rapid demographic increase ended in land-shortage scenario which led to a potentially volatile disorder (Gaparayi 9). With the end of 1980s, number of land poor and comparatively land-rich peasants increased .By 1990, more than one-quarter of rural population became landless and in some areas they were half of the total population. Increased poverty was accompanied by increased inequality (Desforges). Already dependant on foreign aid, Habyarimana government accepted International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Program (Gaparayi 10).The loan was granted on the conditions of harsh policies which reflected western economic orthodoxy (Woodward 1996; Storey 1999/03 qtd. in Gaparayi 10). Kayibanda’s government was gradually weakened by his discriminatory policies. He continued to not only strengthen discrimination against Tutsi in employment and education by quota system, but also adopted a systematic way of discrimination among Hutu themselves (Gaparayi 10). According to Gasana et al. (1999) the Hutu from Habyarimana’s native region named Gisenyi and Ruhengeri in north-west were supported to the detriment of Hutu from other regions (qtd. in Gaparayi 10).This policy sabotaged his power and increased his opposition not only in Tutsi but Hutu as well who felt discriminated in comparison to Hutu from central and southern regions. Habyarimana’s isolation to a limited circle further restricted his influence, on 1 October 1990, Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) attacked military wing of Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF).It was a political organization whose founder, the Aliance Rwandaise pour I’Inite Nationale )”ARUN”) was established by Tutsi exiles from neighboring countries in 1979.Though RPA’s advancement was ceased with military assistance from France, but RPA established itself in north and initiated a guerilla war(Gasana et al. qtd. in Gaparayi 10). Conflict to Genocide 1990-1994 The Civil War initiated on 1 October 1990 lasted for nearly four years. Last three months of Civil War overlapped with the period of genocide which only ceased by RPA’s ultimate strike on “genociders”. Throughout the period of unrest, old patterns of government handling such issues re-emerged. It was always possible that history would repeat itself and endangered and opportunistic government would again use the forgotten cards of ethnic division. In past, none of the Hutu criminals were punished who led Tutsi massacres in early 1960s, and 1972-73.Those who organized oppression during first decade and half of Habyarimana regime flourished in their careers (Gaparayi 11). Gaparayi further states that, “Now, in the wake of the October,1 1990, invasion, impunity flourished for demagogues who were deliberately fueling the latent animosity toward those they considered perfidious outsiders…” (11). The outsider category not only included RPF’s Tutsis but every Tutsi left in Rwanda, in addition to any Hutu suspected to be Tutsi sympathizer. All the class and geographical difference among Hutu were submerged in a common opposition against outsiders. Government found an easy opportunity to exploit its own weakness and convince Hutu peasants of fear and insecurity of losing their lands to Tutsis who left it long ago. The whole scenario triggered anti-Tutsi violence for three and half year which ultimately led to genocide (Gaparayi 11).Irrespective of official end of civil war between RPF and government as a result of peace agreement, extremist element kept pushing from amicable solutions. With the assignation of President of Burundi by Tutsi soldiers, Burundi’s worst massacre initiated (Lemarchand qtd. in Gaparayi 11).Rwandese Hutu exploited this assignation to prove Tutsi’s unreliability and willingness to kill Hutu (Desforges). On 6 April 1994, the aircraft of President Habyarimana and Burundian President was shot down when they were returning after meeting for peace accord in Tanzania. Though the killing responsibility has never been established, government official small group (who are suspected to have planned the aircraft shooting) decided to execute a pre-planned extermination (Gaparayi 10). Within few hours of the plane crash, Rwanda experienced one of the bloodiest genocide in history which only ended with RPF victory. The conflict between Tutsi and Hutu appeared to have deep historical roots running from pre-colonial and colonial times. However, the primary culprit of the genocide is undoubtedly the weak and opportunistic regimes who exploited the ethnic differences for their own interests. Work Cited Desforges, Alison. “Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda.” Hrw.org. Human Rights Watch, March 1999.Web. 8 June 2011. Gaparayi,IDI Tuzinde.(2000).Justice and social reconstruction in the aftermath of genocide in Rwanda: an evaluation of the possible role of the gacaca tribunals. University of Pretoria. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/2263/930 Hintjens, M.Helen.”Explaining the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda.”The Journal of Modern African Studies 37.2(1999):241-286.Jstore.Web.7 June 2011. IJR. “Rwanda.”Institute of Justice and Reconciliation.ijr.org.za.n.d.Pdf file. Prunier, Gerard. The Rwanda crisis, 1959-1994: history of genocide. London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd., 1995.Print. SURF Survivors Fund. Statistics of the Genocide.Survivor-Fund.org.Feb. 2006. Web.7 June 2011. Read More