Cortes, Ricci, and Their Attitudes to Non-Christian Cultures - Essay Example

HERE YOUR HERE HERE HERE Cortes, Ricci, and Non-Christian Cultures Hernan Cortes, a Spanish Conquistador, hailed from a time period when Spain was gaining considerable political and economic powers in comparison to other national empires. Between 1519 and 1521, Cortes evaluated the potential of the Aztec Empire for incorporation into what he referred to as civilized European society, considering the vast agricultural and tangible precious metals that would be of significant value to the Spanish throne and the socio-cultural values of the Aztec people. During this period, Cortes was primarily an explorer and intermediary that facilitated communications between the New World and King Charles V. Conversion of foreign natives to Christianity was an outcome of primary ambitions for improving the economic and political strength of the Spanish Empire. On the contrary, Matteo Ricci hailed from Italy, a nation that prescribed strongly to traditional Catholic values and where the papacy maintained considerable influence in the establishment of cultural rules and legislation. Ricci’s primary goal was not enhancing the political and economic might of Italy but to serve God through Catholic missionary activities around the world. Fundamentally, Ricci and Cortes maintained radically different views on the importance of adhering to religious doctrine and the existing spiritual foundations of foreign cultures. Though both condemned non-Christian value systems, they should not be regarded as being part of the same missionary project, as Ricci was a devout believer in attaining rewards through Christ while Cortes sought empowerment, first and foremost, for Spain. In Cortes’ letter to Charles V in 1520, Cortes describes the majesty of the Aztec Empire, recurrently expressing the tangibles of architecture, resource availability, and the engineering prowess of this region. In great detail, Cortes highlights the amazing plethora of animals, vegetables, precious metals, and various commodities found in Temixtitlan. As if presenting a well-inventoried catalog, Cortes reinforces the potential economic benefits that this Empire holds for Charles V, as if to embolden action to ensure that these resources and talents are procured for the throne. It is not until all dimensions of economic benefits are found in Temixtitlan that Cortes begins to describe his condemnation of idolatry and the other non-Christian religious practices and ceremonies he has observed and attempted to thwart. Matteo Ricci, however, is far less defaming non-Christian cultures, attempting to convert and educate various international citizens to the Catholic doctrine when he recognizes potential cultural interest in God and Christ. Ricci finds commonalities to religious beliefs similar to Roman Catholicism in China, but discovers Japanese cultural and religious behaviors simply too strange to fulfill conversion and incorporation into this doctrine. Rather than acting hostile toward these cultures, he focuses more intently on converting regions that are more conducive to Christian beliefs, and illustrate interest in its concepts. Ricci does not seek out exploitation of resources or economic benefits for Italy, having taken a vow not to seek individual wealth but use cooperative resources to adhere to Jesuit missionary agenda. Cortes is much more aggressive about converting Aztec citizens to the Christian doctrine, one that rejects idolatry and advocates respect for human life offered by Christian values. After having observed the places of worship, Cortes is sickened by the practice of human sacrifice, with special dismay placed on idols “all polluted with human blood” (Cortes 3), thus reacting with hostility by destroying the idols. Cortes is not withdrawn or inhibited in his public presentation of consternation and shock over recurring idolatry and the faith that Aztec citizens maintained in serving what he referred to as false gods. Ricci, unlike Cortes, works hard to incorporate Jesuit beliefs into the foreign cultures he encounters, essentially using a form of behavioral and ethical role modeling to gain more respect and interest in Christianity. Through the process of seeking social integration and saving his teachings of the doctrine and chastisements over inappropriate religious worship and faiths, Ricci is able to gain prominence with those willing to convert to Christianity and those who have shown a marked lack of interest in the doctrine. Thus, when comparing Cortes’ position and that of Ricci, they are typical of the period of conquistador egoism and notion of socio-religious superiority and modest Christian values, respectively. Cortes, based on these notions of superiority through faith in God, differs substantially from Ricci who is more egalitarianist, seeking consensus and ultimate equality through Christian faith. Furthermore, another disparity between Cortes and Ricci that continues to illustrate they are not part of the same missionary project includes the evaluating tools and criteria that each carry to determine the appropriateness of non-Christian worship practices and values. Cortes hailed from a nation that maintained Christian values more congruent with the modern evolution of Christianity existing in Protestant churches, whereby a soul is lost for not accepting Christ. Backed by the authority and power resources of the Spanish throne, Cortes is able to utilize violent protests to instill this belief in others, recognizing that a conquering victory against the Aztec would be feasible in his dominant military position. No more is it evident that Cortes feels this way than when describing the ceremonial grandeur of Moctezuma, as if in an effort to anger or instill a sense of pompous resentment in Charles V. Cortes argues, “No sultan or infidel lord, of whom any knowledge now exists, ever had so much ceremonial in his court” (Cortes 7). Cortes uses this sense of superiority to covet an belligerent and antagonistic approach to reinforcing his own belief in Christian dogma. Ricci, on the other hand, seeks to build zeal with foreign non-Christian cultures and does not use the wealth and prominence of the Roman papacy to spread his Jesuit messages. Instead, Ricci seems to recognize that the Chinese, Indian and Japanese (as three relevant examples) maintain broad scientific knowledge, maritime logistical ability, and resource-based wealth. Ricci chooses to maintain some level of self-reservation when using characteristically strong Roman Catholic condemnation as, in reality, Italy is not in a position to utilize militaristic efforts to ensure conversion. Thus, it should be said that Ricci takes a different missionary position than Cortes due to these potential disparities in creating social angst and fury for aggressive conversion tactics. One final disparity between Cortes and Ricci about how they view non-Christian cultures is the level to which each values education and information as part of the missionary process. Though it has been established that both Cortes and Ricci believe in the censure and reproach of non-Christian worship practices and socio-religious customs, Ricci tends to examine, with a scientific lens, the elements of culture that drive unacceptable religious beliefs. He is very fair and balanced in how he chooses to label each non-Christian culture, such as when he describes being impressed with the Confucian system of morality in China (Spence 10). Ricci understands the cultural context by which moral education and religious teachings have evolved from very long-standing beliefs that drive local culture. Because of this careful observation and mature reflection, he is able to suppress his fire and brimstone methodology of chastisement to present new educational opportunities to gain interest. For example, Ricci utilizes a variety of images in the Jesuit faith of the Virgin Mary, angelic figures, and pictures of Christ as a form of mnemonic device that, first, familiarizes non-Christian citizens with the most notable figures of the religion. He believes that cultural integration of Catholic dogma can be accomplished by establishing a visual representation that not only breaks down language barriers but creates a connection with notable Christian figures. Cortes does not have this mature and balanced viewpoint of Christian integration, instead relying (as aforementioned) on hostile actions to impress Christianity upon Aztec citizens. Some of this, however, could be attributed to not only the notion of Spanish superiority in Christian worship but also due to the time restraints placed on him with risk of other European military forces and the need to procure better economic growth and authority in Spain. Cortes’ position, instead, is to adhere to Christian values or face the consequences of complete conquer. Unlike Ricci, fear is his most powerful tool to ensure conversion to the Christian doctrine. As illustrated, though both had similar disdain over non-Christian practices, their approaches were radically different. While Ricci was a legitimate and dedicated missionary servant, Cortes did not maintain presence in the Aztec Empire solely for the pursuit of converting citizens to Christian belief systems. Hostility, maturity, equality versus dominance, and the nature of the constructs of each individual’s religious values determined their missionary focus and scope. These factors also determined the level by which they forced their beliefs on non-Christian culture or believed in slow and steady integration to their doctrines and religious value systems. In virtually every detail, neither Cortes nor Ricci should be considered as being part of the same missionary project or held the same belief of non-Christian cultures. Works Cited Cortes, Hernan. “Modern History Sourcebook: Hernan Cortes: from Second Letter to Charles V, 1520”. Spence, Jonathan. The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci. 2012. Web. September 21, 2012. < http://www.bookrags.com/studyguide-the-memory-palace-of-matteo-ricci/>. Read More