Maori Education and Health - Case Study Example

Maori Education and Health Introduction Aotearoa is the most widely used, known and accepted Maori for New Zealand. The is used by all people in New Zealand and at present, it is becoming increasingly widespread in the bilingual names of national organizations like the National Library of New Zealand (Simmons, 1994). New Zealand and Aotearoa are synonymous words and for this reason, they will be used interchangeably throughout the paper. According to Simmons (1994), Maori are the indigenous Polynesian people of New Zealand who arrived from East Polynesia in several waves sometimes prior to 1300. They settled and developed a distinct culture. However, from the late 18th century, the Maori society was destabilized by weapons and diseases that were introduced by Europeans and they lost most of their land with increased occupation by Europeans (Buck, 1974; Irwin, 1992). Still as a consequence of European occupation and interaction, Maori society underwent significant cultural and numerical decline (Irwin, 1992). However, from the late 19th century, the population of the Maori society begun to increase again and a significant Maori cultural revival began in the 1960s up to date (Buck, 1974). Brief Historical Overview of Aotearoa Archeological evidence has it that the initial settlement of the Maori in New Zealand took place at around 1280 CE. However, the oral traditions of the Maori claim that they settled in New Zealand hundreds of years before this period. It is believed by the Maori that Aotearoa was fished out of the sea by the ancestor Maui. Like most countries in the Pacific, New Zealand did not escape the ruthless hand of European occupation and colonization which began in 1769 with first three expeditions by the Englishman, Captain James Cook. It is important to note that at this time, the Maori population was a highly organized and thriving society, a fact that Cook and his colleagues acknowledged. In particular and important to note, prior to European occupation and colonization, the Maori had settled in villages and tribal communities, maintained an advanced land tenure system, conducted trade, had a domesticated agricultural base and engaged in complex religious activities. In January 1840, New Zealand was annexed by royal promulgation that was in form of a treaty (the Treaty of Waitangi) that was negotiated by William Hobson and the Maori chiefs (Awatere, 1984). This was to secure and advance British interest in Aotearoa which is exemplified by the number of voyages made by British explorers and adventurers and the arrival of settlers, missionaries, and whalers. European settlement came not without cost as it was a detriment to Maori. European knowledge, language, culture and values were introduced in New Zealand consequently leading to the assimilation of Maori language, culture, knowledge and values (Awatere, 1984). For Maori, colonization history has been extremely painful for the reason that it has not only caused loss and cultural change but also brought about systemic cultural degeneration and undermined the validity and legitimacy of Maori knowledge and values. To sum it all, European occupation and colonization in New Zealand was synonymous to domination, marginalization, oppression and exploitation and this best explains the present terrible socio-economic status of the Maori (Freire, 1971; Awatere, 1984; McLaren, 1974; Lis, 2006). Education and health sectors are vital areas that best explain socio-economic status of a community. The education and health status of indigenous people the world over varies according to their unique historical, political and social circumstances. Education and health disparities between the Maori and non-Maori have been evident for all the colonial history of Aotearoa (Awatere, 1984; Rochford, 2004; Lis, 2006). These disparities can best be explained by the complex mix of components associated with historical and socio-economic factors such as lifestyle, availability, access, political influence and discrimination among others (Lis, 2006; McLaren, 1974). The foregoing discussion looks at the impact of history of Aotearoa on Maori education and health. The paper goes on to note that it is not only the history of Aotearoa that accounts for the failure of these vital institutions but also other factors which are discussed accordingly. Impact of History on Maori Education and Health Education Until the 1980s, key policy decisions related to Maori were made by the Pakeha policy makers and they were likely to reflect the interests of the Pakeha (Smith, 2000). During this period, the Maori tended not to be in key positions of influence with regard to decision making processes related to their language, culture, knowledge and those pertaining to education. However, there were a few Maori who were able to get into influential positions but they were usually answerable to other gate keepers in the system. Moreover, the Maori were usually employed on the periphery in positions of minor or no influence (McLaren, 1974). Subsequently, the education system was not planned and developed while putting into consideration the specific interests, needs and preferences of the Maori (Smith, 2000). This has had unacceptably painful consequences on the Maori schooling and education up to the present day. The Pakeha people have been enhanced to systematically legitimize and maintain political, cultural and social dominance since the formal European occupation of New Zealand in 1840 through the Treaty of Waitangi and the subsequent formal adoption of the Westminster form of democracy through the New Zealand Constitution Act of 1852 (McLaren, 1974). The Treaty of Waitangi was well intentioned in its attempt to establish an equal partnership agreement between the Maori and the British with an aim of protecting the interests of the Maori in the face of British occupation and colonization (Smith, 2000). However, the New Zealand Constitution acts in its co-option of the Westminster model of democracy that gave way for the reproduction of social, cultural and political dominance by the Pakeha (Awatere, 1984). Resolving the crises squarely fell in the hands of government policy makers but the dominant Pakeha cultures and values as the accepted norm was taken for granted (Smith, 2000). It is important to note that it is compulsory for all New Zealand children to attend some form of officially sanctioned schooling from the age of six to fifteen and yet they were being subjected to Pakeha cultural values and not all of the were Pakeha (Freire, 1971). The state education system had the responsibility of putting an end to this situation and promoting change. However, the education system miserably failed to intervene in the crises and to protect the interests of the Maori in education and the situation became worse (Awatere, 1984). Health The Europeans introduced firearms and new infectious diseases which had a major impact on death rates among the Maori. According to Lis (2006), historical context in relation to mortality rates among the Maori after the colonization of Aotearoa, in particular, loss of land was important to explain the high Maori mortality rates. The death from disease did not take place at the same rate among the Maori who kept their land such as those in Samoa and Tonga as compared to those who lost their land (Rochford, 2004). This is for the reason that disruption of their economic base, food supplies and social networks and capital was more for those who lost their land contrary to those who did not. The disruption of economic base of the Maori not only took place through loss of land that was made possible by laws and regulations but also extended to legislation in many other areas such as regulation of Maori rights and discrimination against use of Maori language in schools, all of which have had an impact on Maori people (Lis, 2006). Impact of Other Factors on Education and Health Education Analyses show that most Maori people are more than often trapped in persistent educational and schooling crises of underachievement (Freire, 1971). Freire (1971) further notes that policy makers have designed various measures to address the issue but they have failed. This failure is attributed to the fact that policies have always been developed by Pakeha administrators. It is little wonder that such policies fail on a continuous basis to make a difference given the influence of unequal power relations and different socio-economic, political and cultural interests (Smith, 2000). The underachievement of Maori in the state education system is unacceptably high and far worse than that of the non-Maori (McLaren, 1974). As a matter of fact, the educational gap between the Maori and non-Maori is not improving but widening (Awatere, 1984). This poor status of education has been associated with poor retention rates of the Maori into higher levels of education but this is not the case. It is important to understand the hurdles that accrue to the Maori in their quest to acquire education. This problem is more complex than many take it to be. It is a much more complex issue that can be well understood in terms of the structural hurdles associated with the reproduction and perpetuation of dominant Pakeha interests in and through schooling. Among other things, selective decision making, hegemonic influence, manipulation of resource allocation and economic control conducted in the context of unequal power relations are all ways through which the Pakeha power and control are exerted on the Maori (Smith, 2000). The difficulties related to Maori underachievement in schooling are a sign of the underlying problems that are experienced by the Maori as they try to gain equality in the Pakeha-dominated system of education. Health The continuing health disparities between the Maori and non-Maori are evidence that Maori health rights are not being protected as guaranteed under the Treaty of Waitangi. Socio-economic and political factors cannot be overlooked for their contribution to the poor health status of the Maori as compared to that of the non-Maori. There are widening gaps between Maori and non-Maori life expectancy (Lis, 2006). The Maori life expectancy at birth increased from only 64.6 to 65.8 years among men and from 69.4 to 71 years among women in the period 1996-1999. During the same period, the non-Maori life expectancy at birth increased from 70.9 to 75.5 years and that of women increased from 77.2 to 80.8 years (Rochford, 2004; Lis, 2006). Hence, during this period, the gap in life expectancy between the Maori and non-Maori increased among both men and women from 6.3 to 9.9 years and 7.8 to 9.8 years respectively. Other than historical factors, socio-economic factors explain the poor health status of the Maori. Analyses show that Maori men are more than twice likely to die prematurely than non-Maori men and that mortality rates among Maori men are significantly higher than those of non-Maori men (Rochford, 2004). The increasing mortality and morbidity rates are associated with increasing deprivation (Lis, 2006). However, the poor health status is only partly accounted for by the socio-economically disadvantaged position of the Maori (Rochford, 2004). Mortality rates amongst the Maori have been observed to be persistently high in the aftermath of control of social class. For example, Smith and Pearce (1984) found that an estimated 20 percent of the differences between the Maori and non-Maori male mortality were attributed to disparities in socio-economic status while 15 percent was associated to cigarette smoking; 10 percent to alcohol consumption; 5 percent to obesity; 17 percent to accidents. Moreover, 35 percent of Maori deaths are due to diseases for which efficient and effective health care is readily available. Conclusion In a nutshell, to a larger extent, historical factors have a great deal to explain about the low socio-economic status of the Maori in the crucial institutions of education and health. The Treaty of Waitangi is the primary mechanism that the Maori have sought to use to have their rights as the indigenous people addressed. The treaty had the noble objective of protecting and maintaining the well-being of all citizens and its implications relating to good governance and the notions of participation and equity are important to all people in New Zealand. Recent government documents have recognized the Treaty of Waitangi as a fundamental component of the relationship between the government and Maori but the treaty has never been included in the legislation of social policy with a clear gap between acceptance of the treaty and translation of its objectives into actual health and educational gains to the benefit of Maori. All said and done not only historical factors that can best explain the present low Maori education and health statuses but also socio-economic and political factors such as lifestyle, deprivation and unequal power relations. References Awatere, M. W. (1984). Maori sovereignty. Auckland: Broadsheet. Buck, P. (1974). The coming of the Maori. 2nd ed., Wellington: Whitcombe and Tombs. Freire, P. (1971). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Irwin, G. (1992). The prehistoric exploration and colonization of the Pacific. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lis, E. (2006). “Improving access to health care among New Zealand’s Maori population.” American Journal of Public Health, 96(4), 612-617. McLaren, P. I. (1974). Education in a small democracy: New Zealand. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Rochford, T. (2004). “Whare Tapa Wha: A Maori model of a unified theory of health.” Journal of Primary Prevention, 25(1), 41-47. Simmons, D. G. (1994). The origin of the first New Zealanders. Auckland: Auckland University Press. Smith, A. H. & Pearce, N. E. (1984). “Determinant differences in mortality rates between New Zealand Maoris and non-Maoris aged15-64.” NZ Medical Journal, 97, 101-108. Smith, G. H. (2000). “Maori education: Revolution and transformative action.” Canadian Journal of Native Education, 24(1), 5. Read More