Drives for muscularity and actual muscle mas in male populations - Essay Example

Running Head: A Current Review of Literature in drives for Muscularity and Actual Muscle Mass in Male Populations A Current Review of Literature in drives for Muscularity and Actual Muscle Mass in Male Populations Author's Name Institution's Name Drives for Muscularity & Actual Muscle Mass in Males: An Introduction For the last couple of decades, the research of male body image has grown significantly and large scales of body dissatisfaction amongst males have been noticed. Together with this displeasure is an increase in the records of the Drive for Muscularity (DFM) or the aspiration for improved lean muscle mass, in men. This research discusses these concerns related with the DFM. It studies body image assessment and investment with regard to the DFM. Knowledge and discernment of the male body ideal and universalistic social assessment comprise 35% of the variation in the DFM. Body image investment, however not evaluation, comprised for 26% of the variation in the DFM. Regarding psychological well-being, the DFM accounted for an additional 23% of the variance in muscle pathology after controlling for levels of depression and self-esteem. Other notable findings included men's self-reported intentions to use potentially unhealthy body change strategies to increase size and musculature in the future, and statistically significant associations between the DFM and self-esteem, social physique anxiety and general worry. These results contribute to the growing literature on male body image and the implications for clinical practice with men presenting with body dissatisfaction are discussed. Muscularity & Muscle mass in Male populations: A Literature Review In the North American culture there is a popular conviction that good looks are compared with goodness. A number of studies have proved there are affirmative qualities related with being good-looking. An influential research paper by Dion, Berscheid, and Walster (1972) found that smart individuals are supposed to lead more satisfying lives than unappealing persons. Good-looking persons are also thought to be more socially skillful and interpersonally successful than those considered unappealing. Yet there are social advantages related with being good-looking, the perception of how individuals present themselves to others is related to the mental good (Schlenker & Leary, 1982). For instance, recognizing that one has been unsuccessful to reveal a pleasing physical impression is linked with rising despair and reduced self-worth (Davis, Brewer, & Weinstein, 1993; Russell, 2002). Notably, when persons are subjected to body image unhappiness efforts will be made to develop appearance and become closer to a body image model (Silberstein, Striegel-Moore, Timko, & Rodin, 1988). Taking advantage of the body image unhappiness of society's members is a multi-billion dollar industry that presents a wide range of choices to resolve supposed physical blemishes and improve good looks, that include fitness facilities, beauty products, and surgery (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). Traditionally, the studies have focused on body image in women and less focus has been given to the body image matters of men. Of late, nevertheless, the study of male body image has grown, and analysts have established that the male body ideal has developed into a slender and mainly muscular body, also recognized as a muscular mesomorphic build (Leit, Pope, & Gray, 2001; Pope, Philips, & Olivardia, 2000). Together this change in the male body ideal, there has been a increase in documentation of the Drive for Muscularity (DFM), which means the need to achieve a muscular body (McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Morrison, Morrison, Hopkins, & Rowan, 2004). Images of the body ideal are extensive, simply available, and fashionable in the media and this muscular physique is difficult to achieve by most men in spite of a large and persistent endeavor (Pope, Phillips, et al., 2000). With the incapacity to personify the kind of body type idealized by people, one might imagine that a rising number of men will go through some kind of body image unhappiness. The studies imply that men undertake activities to raise their muscularity and size, named body investment strategies (Muth & Cash, 1997). Various body change tactics are beneficial for example weightlifting (McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Morrison et al., 2004). Some body change tactics, on the other hand, can be quite damaging for example steroid use, binge eating, and eating foodstuffs high in saturated fats (Jacobi & Cash, 1994; O'Dea & Rawstorne, 2001; Pope, Gruber, Choi, Olivardia, & Phillips, 1997). Because of the risks linked with some of these body change tactics it is vital to classify the scope to which men are involved in their utilization. In recent times, psychometrically resultant measures considered to evaluate the aspiration to be muscular have been enlarged. (Edwards & Launder, 2000; McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Morrison et al., 2004). Studies with these new tools confirms that the DFM is linked with reduced self-worth and amplified depression in youths (McCreary & Sasse, 2000), and reduced physical appearance self-worth (Morrison et al., 2004) and enlarged social physique concern in grown-up males (Duggan & McCreary, 2004). These outcomes are in agreement with studies that show a relationship between body image unhappiness and mental health (Harmatz, Gronendyke, & Thomas, 1985; Tucker, 1983). Initial research studying theoretical viewpoints and male body image has recognized characteristics of sociocultural and social comparison theories that are related to the DFM (Duggan & McCreary, 2004; Morrison, Morrison, & Hopkins, 2003). Morrison et al (2003) established that the DFM is linked certainly with magazine exposure and social association with global targets. Body Image, Body Image Dissatisfaction, and the Current Male Body Ideal Body Image & Body Image Dissatisfaction Body image is the self-perceived psychological depiction of the appearance of a person's body (Cash & Brown, 1989). Once envisioned as a one-dimensional concept, body image is now believed a multidimensional concept integrating both exciting and cognitive awareness and behaviours (Cash & Brown, 1989; Keeton, Cash, & Brown, 1990; Muth & Cash, 1997). Research has created a number of methodological matters with the perceptual constituent of body image, which concentrates upon body size estimation, and has confirmed that the attitudinal component has bigger clinical usefulness (Cafri & Thompson, 2004; Keeton et al., 1990). The body image attitudinal constituent is consists of two dimensions, that is evaluation/affect and investment (Muth & Cash, 1997). The evaluation/affect dimension comprises many concepts such as global body unhappiness; emotions related with self-evaluations of the body, unhappiness involve separate body features, incongruities between perceptions of the body and internalized standards, and cognitive assessments regarding appearance (Cash, 1994; Muth & Cash, 1997; Thompson & Van den Berg, 2002). Body image discontentment, as covered by the assessment dimension, is thought to be the vital feature of body image dissatisfaction since it is thought to acquire the individual's inner understanding (Thompson et al., 1999). Analysts in the field of body image conceptualize body image discontentment on a range with the bulk of people facing a minor to modest intensity of concern (Thompson et al., 1999). At one end of the range is low body unhappiness, which has been linked with the term normative unhappiness in past studies (Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). Close to the other end of the body image unhappiness gamut where higher levels of troubles are attained, a greater level of clinical problems are observed that include eating problems, despair, and low self-worth (Blouin & Goldfield, 1995; Olivardia et al., 2000; Silberstein et al., 1988; Tucker, 1983). At the highest end of the range is an utmost level of body image unhappiness, which may be linked with mental sickness for example eating problems and body dysmorphic disorder (Thompson et al., 1999). Current Male Body Ideal The modern ideal male body type is well-balanced and of standard build, and is known as mesomorphic (Mishkind et al., 1986). This body style is favored to the fat or thin body type (Tucker, 1982). Within the mesomorphic type, the muscular mesomorphic body is preferred by most people as the most popular or ideal body type (Mishkind et al., 1986). Liking for this kind of body is estimated to increase around the age of seven, boost through teenage years, and climax in adulthood (Spitzer et al., 1999). Features of this body type consist of well-developed chest and arm muscles complemented by broad shoulders and a thin waist. Remarkably, the upper body is a mainly essential feature of the male body ideal, with a large and muscular chest being most attractive (Thompson & Tantleff, 1992). Men convey higher degree of body fulfillment when their body outline is closest to the muscular mesomorphic ideal (Keeton et al., 1990; Mishkind et al., 1986; Tucker, 1982, 1983). Yet most of the research has been dedicated to comprehending the impacts of body displeasure, or discontentment with one's weight and shape (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). In the past, much of this study has concentrated on females as a result of the remarkable increase in body displeasure following youth (Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999), and due to bigger sociocultural importance on appearance and slimness for females. Nevertheless, new research has confirmed that body displeasure is a significant anxiety amongst minor boys too (Jones, 2004; Kostanski, Fisher, & Gullone, 2004; Presnell, Bearman, & Stice, 2004; Wood, Becker, & Thompson, 1996). For both sexes, the aspiration to change figure or mass is widespread (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2001; Wood, Becker, & Thompson, 1996), and is related with psychological suffering (Johnson & Wardle, 2005), remarkable assessment to change appearance, such as cosmetic operation or steroid use (Hoffman & Brownell, 1997; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999), in addition to psychiatric disorders such as depression (McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Seigel, 2002; Stice & Bearman, 2001) and eating disorders (Keel, Fulkerson & Leon, 1997). Even though the harmful effect of body displeasure has been deep-rooted, especially for girls, the causes that raise the danger for body image anxieties are less well understood. Modern research has found factors that are linked with body unhappiness, although rather few analyses have studied these relationships optimistically (see Jones, 2004; Presnell et al., 2004; and Stice & Whitenton, 2002 for exceptions), or studied the period of the increase of body unhappiness as youngsters grow through teenage years. Furthermore, little is recognized about whether the risk factors for body displeasure vary by sex. Body Images & Gender Differences In recent times, the studies assessing gender differences in body image matters and their results has been based exclusively on views of adiposity (i.e., body fat). The studies has directed to the idea that since men are less worried or discontented than women with their level of adiposity, are less prone than women to be go on a diet to lose weight, and hardly ever suffer clinical disorders linked with body image, they are rather contented with their bodies (e.g., Feingold & Mazzella, 1998; Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983; Muth & Cash, 1997). This conviction, nevertheless, does not consider the fact that adiposity is not evenly important for men and women. Specifically, while the social criterion of physical good looks for women reflects being small and thin, the social criterion for men reflects being tall and muscular, as Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, and Striegel-Moore (1986) termed as the "muscular mesomorphic" shape. There is a increasing amount of studies supporting the significance of being muscular in youngsters (e.g., Jones, 2001; McCreary & Sasse, 2000, 2002; O'Dea & Rawstorne, 2001) and adult men (e.g., Fisher, Dunn, & Thompson, 2002; Jacobi & Cash, 1994; Phillips & Diaz, 1997). For instance, the studies have shown that many youngsters are involved in resistance training endeavors to increase muscle mass (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2003). Amongst youngsters there is a higher desire for muscularity linked with poorer self-worth and more signs of despair (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Pope et al. (2000) have proved that, when comparing men's actual measure of muscularity to their supposed level of muscularity, men considerably underrated their percentage of muscle mass. Pope et al. (2000) also proved that men's ideal body size symbolizes a standard increase of 28 pounds (12.7 kg) of muscle. When questioned where they would like to be more muscular, men and boys normally want larger pectorals, biceps, and shoulders (Drewnowski & Yee, 1987; Huenemann, Shapiro, Hampton, & Mitchell, 1966; Moore, 1990). A number of analysts (e.g., Grogan & Richards, 2002; Klein, 1993; Weinke, 1998) have advocated that one of the main motivations muscularity is so important to men and boys is that it is related to sensitivity of their masculinity; in other words, the more muscular a man or boy is, the more manly he is. One may perhaps also advocate that boys and men who are not muscular may see themselves as more womanly. For instance, Grogan and Richards (2002) have advocated that boys and men who go on a diet have a risk of being considered as feminine, in some measure since dieting is believed to be a feminine-typed behavior. Ideal Body Internalization In accordance with the gender intensification hypothesis (Hill & Lynch, 1983), as youths develop physically and psychologically they start to recognize more strongly with their same-gender stereotype. For girls, this stereotype lays emphasis on the value of physical prettiness as a important evaluative measurement for females (Stice, Hayward, Cameron, Killen, & Taylor, 2000; Wichstrom, 1999), and in Western society, physical beauty in women is inextricably related with slimness (Nichter & Nichter, 1991). Contrary to the thin-ideal advocate for females, the studies suggests that some boys subscribe to an ideal that gives emphasis to a mesomorphic construct appreciating muscularity over slimness (Jacobi & Cash, 1994; McCreary & Sasse, 2000; Moore, 1990; Smolak, Levine, & Thompson, 2001). The studies prove that teenager boys are more probable than girls to take part in activities to raise weight and musculature (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001). Evidently, girls and boys who have internalized these ideals would be susceptible to body displeasure when this ideal is not realized. For girls, the inconsistency between ideal and actual shape is augmented after teens, since rise in adiposity moves girls further from this ideal (McCarthy, 1990). Simultaneously, girls all the time more feel for the female stereotype, and concentrate on appearance as its essential evaluative dimension. This union of events through youth forms a phase of major susceptibility for girls. The relationship between the internalization of the male ideal and body displeasure in boys has been given a lesser amount of assessment, despite the fact that studies have proved that drive for muscularity compares a low self-worth and endeavors to raise body mass (McCreary & Sasse, 2000), and internalization of sociocultural outlooks toward appearance also relates with weight control methods for boys (Smolak, Levine, & Thompson, 2001). In one review that specifically analyzed the correlation between internalized appearance ideals and body disapproval among boys, internalized appearance ideals were a powerful predictor of alterations in body disapproval (Jones, 2004). Body Mass As girls advances through their teens, the increased adiposity moves them past the thin-ideal, consequently is a factor to declined body image pleasure. For this claim, past studies have confirmed that rise in body mass also prospectively envisage girls' body displeasure (Barker & Galambos, 2003; Rosenblum & Lewis, 1999). On the contrary, the variations brought about by teenage years apparently encourage boys closer to the larger, more muscular model. Nevertheless, the confirmation concerning the course of male body displeasure shows that minor boys are often divided between those who wish to lose against gain weight (Moore, 1990; Neumark-Sztainer, et al., 1999). While body mass appeared as an important predictor of body displeasure for boys in one prospective review (Field et al., 2001), another review found illogical consequences (Barker & Galambos, 2003). These contradictory results may propose a more difficult relationship between body mass and body displeasure in boys. For instance, one potential study suggested that displeasure in boys is related only with being under or overweight, at the same time as normal weight boys were the most contented with their bodily appearance (Richards, Boxer, Petersen, & Albrecht, 1990). More confirmation comes from another analysis that found that body mass prospectively envisaged body displeasure in a sample of teenager boys; however this relationship revealed a major quadratic element, as against the linear relationship seen for girls (Presnell et al., 2004). Accordingly, being either skinny or fat was linked with body displeasure for males, while girls' displeasure increased with growing body mass. Dieting For pubescent girls who think that achieving the thin-ideal will result in psychosocial gains and who have got messages that they depart from this principle, dieting may provide as an approach for changing their body (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001). In theory, as adipose tissue increases following puberty, teenager girls may endeavor to offset this change by limiting their calorie intake. In spite of their endeavors, nevertheless, studies advocate that self-reported efforts to limit calorie intake envisages weight gain, rather than weight loss (Stice, Cameron, Killen, Hayward, & Taylor, 1999; Stice, Presnell, Shaw, & Rohde, 2005). Hence, dieting may cause the contrary of its projected result, growing girls' disappointment and decreasing their outlooks of self-efficacy for creating weight change. In line with this notional contention, girls' self-reported dieting efforts envisaged increases in body displeasure (Barker & Galambos, 2003). As earlier stated, despite the fact that body mass has a linear relationship with body displeasure for girls, it has a more difficult relationship for boys (Presnell et al., 2004). Studies advocate that boys are divided between those who wish to reduce weight and those who wish to increase weight (McCabe, Ricciardelli, & Banfield, 2001; Moore, 1990; Neumark-Sztainer et al., 1999). Dieting may raise the danger for body displeasure amongst the boys who are endeavoring to decrease body mass and undergo the dietary disappointment and weight increase that has been linked with self-reported dieting in girls (Stice et al., 1999; Stice et al., 2005). On the other hand, some boys may be more expected to strive for enhance in size and musculature, as one cross-sectional analysis showed (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001). For these boys, variations in diet might indicate an effort to increase lean muscle mass. Nevertheless, attempts to control weight did not envisage body dissatisfaction in one prospective study of pubescent boys (Barker & Galambos, 2003). Therefore, it will be vital to rectify this relationship for boys. Supplement/Substance Use Supplement use is one method that men can enhance size and muscularity (Hatoum & Belle, 2004; Kanayama, Gruber, Pope, Borowiecki, & Hudson, 2001; Williams, Anderson, & Winett, 2004). Hatoum and Belle (2004) observed that the popularity rate for supplement use to grow muscle to be 30% in a sample of 89 men. In a study of creatine use amongst men, 48% of participants reported having used the supplement at some point in time to augment size (Williams et al., 2004). Creatine consumers in the survey were also more prone to use other performance improving supplements, for example protein and ephedrine. Similar results were established by Kanayama et al (2001) who studied the three-year popularity rates of substance utilization in 334 men that attended commercial fitness facilities. These authors observed that 47% of their sample used creatine. Studies with male collegiate athletes have proved that about 36% use creatine as a supplement to develop muscle (Jonnalagadda, Rosenbloom, & Skinner, 2001). Limitations of Previous Research In the past, there has been a general mistaken belief that males are usually contented with their bodies and knowledge little, if any, body image unhappiness. This mistaken belief may be an artifact of how statistics have been reported in past research. When statistics are not reported in terms of fixed values, the resultant average score of body unhappiness for males is nil, as some males want to be thinner and some want to be heavier (Cohn & Adler, 1992; Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997; Silberstein et al., 1988). These scores invalidate each other out those results in the belief that men are contented with their bodies (Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997). This does not happen in females, as the focus of their body discontentment is usually in one objective; almost all women discontented with their body image wish to be thinner (Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997). There is increasing validation, nevertheless, that males have body image involves and experience body image dissatisfaction (Cohn & Adler, 1992; Mishkind et al., 1986; Pope, Philips et al., 2000; Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997; Tucker, 1982). Cafri and Thompson (2004) performed a study of the recent, most frequently employed methodology in male body image research. They concluded that there are some limitations with the past methodology. For instance, body size estimation process was considered deficient as a result of their application on body size rather than body composition. Body composition, which comprises of muscularity and measure of body fat, is significant to men and body size evaluation measures do not draw on men's correct understandings about their appearance. Since these measures do not evaluate muscularity they are ineffective for application in male body image analysis. Perceptual evaluation of body image unhappiness that concentrate on weight classifications in relation to BMI (e.g., normal, under-, or over-weight) were also studied (Cafri & Thompson, 2004). These instruments assess the differences between one's supposed and actual body weight. The main limitation of these perceptual measures is that the majority of them do not assess muscularity. Only weight is measured and fat and muscle distribution is not taken into account. Additional problems with this process consist of the possibility that responses may be distorted or stereotyped predispositions rather than personal evaluation (Cafri & Thompson, 2004). Not taking body constitution into account may also cause some males being judged obese for instance owing to muscle mass, when they are in fact not. Use of this process is clearly opposed in male body image study. When assessing the method in male body image study, Cafri and Thompson (2004) saw several limitations with prejudiced measures of body unhappiness. The bulk of these measures do not inquire matters directly associated with muscularity. These measures are more common in life and do not study discontentment particular to male body image (Cafri & Thompson, 2004). Similarly, many of these measures evaluate displeasure with weight in the direction of not being thin enough, and males are subjected to body weight displeasure in both ways (Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997; Tucker, 1984). For instance, the Eating Disorder Inventory Body Dissatisfaction subscale measures mid and lower torso approval and the Multidimensional Body Self Relation Questionnaire Body Area Satisfaction subscale is meant for evaluating matters with slimness. The authors advocate that many of these measures may not be suitable for applying in male body image study as they do not deal with the fundamental body image matters in men namely muscularity. Exceptions to these measures are the Drive for Muscularity Scale (DMS) and the Drive for Muscularity Attitudes Questionnaire (DMAQ), which directly evaluates matters related to muscularity. One of the most commonly used methods for assessing perceptual body image is the contour-silhouette method. The conventional silhouettes, used since the early 1980's, concentrate on body size and range from less thin to very obese. Participants categorize their ideal body type and the figure they feel best shows their actual body. The difference between the two figures signifies the degree of body dissatisfaction. Cafri and Thompson (2004) identify several problems when employing this method to assess body discontentment. Primarily, the silhouettes contrast in terms of their body fat and not in terms of their muscularity and, thus, they are not measuring discontentment with muscularity. A small number of studies have modified this method for use with muscular dissatisfaction (Lynch & Zellner, 1999; Morrison et al., 2004). Consequently, care must be taken when understanding past research on males with the silhouette method. Even the scales that have included muscularity have a number of practical deficiencies. For example, it is hard to differentiate whether discontentment is as a result of displeasure with body fat or with muscularity by employing the silhouette method. Conclusions There is some thought among analysts that the increasing consciousness in the male body may be a response to the feminist movement and its influence on starting the gradually increasing equality of the sexes in the labor force. "...Muscles are one of the few areas in which men can still clearly distinguish themselves from women or feel more powerful than other men. But muscles are a tenuous foundation on which to base all of one's sense of masculinity and self-esteem" (Pope et al, 2000). once, men could search to define their masculine authority and matchlessness through their role as main source of income; nevertheless, now women all the time more share this conventionally male task. With the rising gender equality in the labor force, the only way men have left to develop their uniqueness from women in the socially constructed masculine state is their bodies. 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