Women, Work and Class - Assignment Example

?Women, Work and Part I Hegemonic masculinity Segregation in society has been prevalent from historic times. It is a taken for granted approach in society that the masculine gender will make all kinds of decisions with the expectation that the other gender will abide by those decisions. However, masculinity represents power not only of any men but white men that too those who leadership positions in the society. Hegemonic masculinity represents power that is attributed to men in high positions and such power is taken for granted whenever any man holds a certain position in the society. Hegemonic masculinity “legitimates the power of those who embody it” (Acker, 2006, p.82). In essential, hegemonic masculinity can be associated with violent acts like using violence for colonial conquests. In modern capitalism, violence is often masked by objective conditions like top managers in any organization can fire employees to increase profits thus creating unemployment (Acker, 2006, p.83). Hegemonic masculinity represents a country’s culture and heritage and this can be different in each country. Acker (2006) has given the example of Swedish banks trained and ambitious men in high positions give more priority to making profits than satisfying the needs of the customers (Acker, 2006, p.84). Hegemonic masculinity is the power bestowed on men in position, and in the real sense it gives men in authority to use their power to bring positive changes in the society. Political leaders of a country can use the power bestowed on them to promote goodwill and harmony with other countries. 2. Means of provisioning In economic perspective, class differentiation is based on access of means of provisioning and survival. In a capitalistic society, production process and finances are executed with the objective of maximizing profit. Therefore, although some classes are provided with maximum resources, there are other classes whose production and resource accumulation capacities are undermined. Education and community play an important role in access to provisions, because these factors contribute towards “finding paid job at living wages” (Acker, 2006, p.55). Those who have control over production jobs receive highest returns in the field of distribution. An economic structure of a nation is formed on the basis of distribution of provisions i.e. necessary supplies like food and clothing needed for survival. Provisioning occurs through paid or unpaid method of production, and distribution of results of production like wages and profits. Provisioning also affects gender and race. Many employees hire male workers in skilled trades or specific racial people for menial jobs for lower wages (Acker, 2006, p.170). However, with increase of service sector jobs, women labour is increasing thus making women breadwinners for families (Acker, 2006, p.172). Acker (2006) has given the example of housewife who does unpaid work of maintaining family. She has little control over means of provisions since she is dependent for provisions on others who are engaged in production and distribution processes (Acker, 2006, p.63). Today, education has become universal and also with increased job opportunities for all gender and races, power over means of provisioning is no more restricted to specific gender or race. Therefore, by contribution towards provisioning it is possible for any individual to become a significant shaper of a nation’s economy. 3. Corporate nonresponsibility Corporate nonresponsibility emphasizes the role of household women in the field of care and survival. This concept actually moves the responsibility of those with power and wealth and shifts it to women from poor and minority communities. It devalues their position but they are bound by responsibilities to take care of their lives and lives of others (Acker, 2006, p.9) Nonresponsibility can be turned to globalization processes. The scopes for profit and production without challenges to nonresponsibility act as encouraging factors for shifting production from capitalistic nations to low wage nations. In the US, marketing and designing sectors hire people based on their skills irrespective of their gender and race (Acker, 2006, p.98). As a major example of corporate nonresponsibility, Wal-Mart is given that applies strategy to turn “workers into lowest cost, easily replaceable, factors of production” (Acker, 2006, p.162). In the name of nonresponsibility, women in society are often relegated to households making them unpaid labour. Labours are often exploited who do not work under multinational companies like in sweatshops. Various social movements are required to challenge corporate nonresponsibility. 4. Unpaid labour/ reproductive labour Production work and also reproduction processes are achieved both with paid and unpaid labour. Most of the unpaid labour goes into reproduction processes; however, many labours are paid especially in education, health, food preparation sectors. In the total framework of labour organization, both paid and unpaid labour are closely interconnected and cannot be distinguished (Acker, 2006, p.56). In any society, women continue to play the role of unpaid labour to take care of the basic needs of families, communities and social organizations. In the contemporary industralised world, the need of human labour like “women, children and most men” (Acker, 2006, p.91) becomes redundant. This is in spite of the need of social responsibility. Today, in wealthy countries there is increasing entry of women and also men from minority groups in paid labor force. This has not altered the abstract processes of organizing. Major example of unpaid labour as already been explained is women as reproductive members of society. They continue to play the role of unpaid labour in fulfilling the basic needs of their families (Acker, 2006, p.61) Unpaid labour is a common practice especially in terms of training and internship. There are people who volunteer for charity work, medical students who acts as interns to gain experience and so on. 5. Inequality regimes An inequality regime “is the configuration of inequality-producing practices and processes within particular organizations at particular times” (Acker, 2006, p.10). In multinational companies, inequality is often based on gender, race, nationality, class etc. Wages, opportunities for job promotions, expectations about work performance are based on these elements. Inequality regimes are difficult to notice in international trade since multinational companies send labours from low wage countries to other countries. These companies relocate production processes to avail of cheap labour (Acker, 2006, p.172). During the late 1960s and 1970s, in many U.S. colleges and universities, students challenged the concept of inequality regimes. They demanded unequal treatment students from minority groups and special treatment given to white students. They also demand drastic change in organizational structures. In University of Oregon, some graduate students expressed desire to participate in decision making processes (Acker, 2006, p.129). Inequality regime is common in any corporate body so as to derive the maximum benefit from low wage from skilled labours. Very often women workers with low wages are hired to replace men. Also, in international trade transferring labor from low wage countries is a common issue. 6. The 2005 documentary movie, Waging a Living is about four low wage workers who strive to bring their families out of poverty. One character is Jerry Longoria who is a 45 year old security guard. His meager income of $12 per hour can just about cover his modest living style. He lives in a rented room in a hotel which is situated in a wrecked neighbourhood of San Francisco. He managed to reach this position after being homeless and alcoholic for five years. He saved enough to visit North Carolina to meet his two children after nine years. On returning he was fired because of an argument with the boss and he had to take up a job that pays 20 percent less than the previous one. His hard work for so many years went unnoticed and he did get his deserved position in the labour society. His poverty and lack of higher education made him exposed to racism. His situation deteriorated after returning from home town because he dared to defy his boss who apparently belongs to superior race. Another character in the movie is Barbara Brooks who is a 40 year old single mother who wants escape violence and poverty. Her earnings as counselor at a juvenile detention facility are not enough to maintain her living. Although she received government benefits, such benefits reduced once her salary increased. The result was that in spite rise in salary her month revenue declined. Being a woman, she has limited time and opportunity to work full time as she was also pursuing college degree in addition to her responsibility as a mother. Although she worked hard, it is not easy for her to support her family. 7. In the 1970s, the average wages of men decreased while average wages of women increased thus wage gap based on gender differentiation was narrowed. In the present century, both men and women labour in the U.S. are paid equal average wages (Acker, 2006, p.144,151). However, wage gap is more obvious based on racial discriminations and poverty levels where the poor workers are paid sustenance wages. Means of provisioning are achieved through paid and unpaid labour. Because of current strategy of making labour redundant, wage gap becomes persistent in production processes. This is more apparent in international trade. Part II 1. Politics of disgust Politics of disgust reflects four elements – 1) democracy is not applied in the true form, 2) inequality in the context of communication, 3) lack of representative thinking, 4) lack of cohesion (Hancock, 2004, p.118). The impact of politics of disgust can be extremely negative on the society. It carries no inherent wisdom and so the emotional reactions are unreliable. Politics of disgust provides someone with opportunities that undermine their capabilities. It identifies to control. It has further negative impact on oppressed class because their “silence and invisibility” are re-emphasized (Hancock, 2004, p.14). In America, the public strongly feels that women should be allowed to work in welfare organizations. Majority of Americans feel that women should not be forced to stay at home and look after children more because working women cannot afford the same luxury. This survey brings to forefront the emotions of disgust (Hancock, 2004, p.65). Politics of disgust is ruled by unreliable emotions. It has often in the past and present supported sexism, racism and so on. It denies equality amongst human beings. 2. Public identity The concept of public identity explains the “definition of citizenship” (Hancock, 2004, p.21). It is the entry to political participation. Based on political culture, equality in political participation is hindered by public identities of individuals. This is because of prevailing prejudices regarding gender and race. Public identity has widespread roots in prejudices against racism and gender. This is more prominent in Black women. Women are mostly affected raising children is often not recognized as work in America (Hancock, 2004, p.75). The women of NWRO (National Welfare Rights Organization) participate in making new public policies thus confronting the falsity of public identity. It has resulted in new kind of political participation ignoring race and gender (Hancock, 2004, p.39). Individuals in the real contemporary world are identified more based on their education, training and experience. Prejudice regarding race, color and gender are mostly discarded. In politics in most countries gender bias is almost negated with women political leaders gaining prominence. 3. Culture of poverty Various dimensions of public identity are related to culture of poverty. The culture of poverty is more often linked with Cross-Generation Dependency (Hancock, 2004, p.95). It represented core values inherent in the poor people and explains why poverty exists in spite of various anti-poverty programs all over the world. Poverty exists not only because resources are not uniformly distributed, but also because the traditional feelings of dependency and helplessness among the poor. In broader context, economy of a country can become stagnant provide culture of poverty is not considered as a serious issue. Focus should not be only of proper distribution of resources but also creating awareness among the poor people of becoming part of mainstream society. Action needs to be taken to restore self esteem in them (Hancock, 2004, p.42). For example, African Americans continue to harbor hostile views on welfare services. In spite of access of welfare materials, they continue to remain in their community (Hancock, 2004, p.55). People with culture of poverty are concerned with own sorrows, troubles and refuse to see the similarities of their problems with those of others in the world. Only by adopting an international approach and becoming less class conscious can they come out of their vicious circle of poverty. 4. National Welfare Rights Organization The NWRO focuses mainly on poor and single Black mothers. It seeks welfare materials through macrolevel collective action (Hancock, 2004, p.40). It confronts one aspect of politics of disgust which is lack of solidarity. The political attitude towards the Black mothers was revealed when NWRO began to seek “political and financial allies” (Hancock, 2004, p.43). It however got no support from Black church which is the largest independent institution of African American community (Hancock, 2004, p.43). NWRO is essentially an organization that involves women who seek social support from welfare agencies. Although they have negative experiences, they have realised that such experiences are not of their own making. Such understanding helps to restore their self esteem and they continue with their collective efforts to bring structural changes (Hancock, 2004, p.42). As example, NWRO has managed to clear many hindrances between American culture and the African American political culture (Hancock, 2004, p.61). NWRO today works especially for women and children in order to provide them with income, self-esteem and political participation. 5. Lack of solidarity Lack of solidarity is one of the four aspects of politics of disgust (Hancock, 2004, p.63). In America, welfare recipients are often not granted political legitimacy. Although the ultimate goal of American democracy is to carry objective and unbiased political ideas, individuals are hindered by public identity and politics of disgust in relation to making political judgements (Hancock, 2004, p.147). Lack of solidarity is more common in African American communities and among the poor (Hancock, 2004, p.133) Barbara Mikulski, Marge Roukema and Sanford Bishop are some examples who illustrate lack of solidarity (Hancock, 2004, p.111). In society, where there is lack of money, education and food, it has become common that people come forward to help each other to improve their situation. 6. The public identity of welfare queen has its roots in the first Black women in America. In America, welfare queens are those who are considered as people who collect excessive welfare funds through unfair means like manipulation. They were not simply Blacks but essentially Black women. The public identity of welfare queen as circulated by the media “includes both stereotypes and moral judgements in a coherent construct with two content domains – lack of industry and hyperfertility” (Hancock, 2004, p.75). The result of media publications is that public identity of welfare queen is deeply negative and has negative impacts on society (Hancock, 2004, p.94). 7. Hancock says that it is inhumane practice that all Americans irrespective of race and gender are not given the power to make political decisions and participate in politics. According to the “wolf welfare program” presented by representative Barbara Cubin “the Federal Government provided everything that the wolves need for their existence” (Hancock, 2004, p.120). This programs reflects the approach of the Democrats. By taking away freedom and self-esteem, people cannot provide essentials for themselves. The evidence of politics of disgust is an ongoing problem in democracy. Political ideas and strategies continue to give limited attention to populations which have been always facing disadvantages. Such population constitutes significant percentage of American population. The nature of political participation is under debate. Feminist theories propose to include emotions while making political strategies. As a community, it is important to judge which emotions are democratic. References Acker, J. (2006) Class Questions: Feminist Answers, Rowman & Littlefield Hancock, A.M. (2004) The Politics of Disgust, New York: NYU Press Waging a Living [Documentary Film] Read More