The Political Legacy of John A. Macdonald - Essay Example

?John A. Macdonald is a seminal figure in Canadian history, similar to the place that the most famous presidents and smen have in the United States. Even though he was born in Glasgow, Scotland, Macdonald’s name would be remembered forever in the history of Canada. This is because Macdonald’s efforts were instrumental in developing Canadian political society in the 19th century. Without those efforts, the nation of Canada would be a disjointed collection of territories like the United States before the Civil War. Having served as the Canadian Prime Minister for nineteen years, he was the second longest serving person in that position in Canada’s history. During this time, radical changes occurred in the country. Among these changes was the process of Confederation, or the act of bringing together all of the individual territories under the dominion of one common government. Aside from these political accomplishments, Canadians also remember Macdonald for his personal impacts in the economy and culture of 19th century Canada. He was, in fact, a prominent landowner, lawyer, and business during that time. However, like any of the greatest politicians in modern history, Macdonald is not remembered solely for his contributions to the political accomplishments of his country, but for the cultural impact he made on the citizens and future generations who inherit that legacy. In leiu of this legacy, John A. Macdonald has been called a “pragmatic statesman”, and he earned the title of Old Chieftain (CBC). Macdonald is popularly known for these nicknames and, more importantly, for uniting the nation with his central vision and the construction of the world's longest railway. Despite personal hurdles, albeit with the help of alcohol, he laid the foundation for modern Canada. This is why some have labeled him the “Architect of Modern Canada” (CBC). These kinds of epithets truly show the admiration that contemporary 20th and 21st century Canadians have for the man that helped put the territories together. Macdonald was born in 1815 in Glasgow, Scotland to a merchant father. Debts caused the family to move to Upper Canada, near modern day Ontario when he was five years old. This kind of immigration was common for Scottish people, considering that the Macdonald family already had a number of relatives and personal connections living in that part of Canada. John’s father, Hugh, unsuccessfully managed a store in the new country, causing even more difficulty within the family. Meanwhile, John was an excellent student and attended a rather prestigious school in Kingston. At the age of 15, nearly 10 years after arriving in Canada, John completed his formal education. At this age, his family expected him to stay home to work for the common success of the family. John did not object to coming home to help the family. Nevertheless, Not attending the university limited Macdonald’s ability to pursue certain kinds of careers outside of the home, such as the practice of writing (Pope). The family, however, decided that Macdonald’s future was best served by a university education. They decided that becoming a lawyer was the best option (Carloneil). Hugh Macdonald had noted how much his son was not interested in following in his footsteps, and he recognized that, because of his own failing business ventures, he needed his son for financial support. As a result, Macdonald was forced from a very young age to start earning money (Pope 6). After completing his law education, Macdonald earned certification by the Law Society of Upper Canada and took an apprenticeship under a fellow Scottish lawyer. Macdonald managed the law office from time to time and, after his teacher’s death in 1834, he returned to Kingston in 1835 to practice his own law (Carloneil). During his time as a young lawyer, Macdonald was able to financially support his family and to make connections that would remain with him for the rest of his political life. He sought out publicity by joining organizations within the town, taking high-profile cases, and attracting positive press (Swainson). By 1838, Macdonald had reached prominence as a lawyer. In 1841, his father Hugh died and in 1843, Macdonald took Isabella Clark as his wife. Later that year, Macdonald was elected as the alderman of Kingston’s Fourth Ward (Gwyn 59). From there, the political ambitions grew as Macdonald was invited to run for a spot in the Legislative Assembly, which he successfully took in late 1844 (Carloneil). By this time an expert on parliamentary procedure, Macdonald adopted a style of leadership that he would continue to use during his time as a prominent politician: that of the wise statesman. Despite personal problems like illnesses to his wife, Macdonald’s political life advanced considerably in between 1844 and 1846. He spent considerable time in Montreal, away from his family, to attend to parliamentary matters. During this time, it is said that Macdonald began to drink heavily (Carloneil). Throughout the 1850s, Macdonald continued to rise in Canadian political circles, gaining influence, and taking on more responsibility as the Conservatives attempted to overtake the Liberals in control. In 1857, when his wife died, Macdonald was appointed premier of the province. In the early 1860s, Canada became a well-connected, single society, even though it was still politically divided. Great prosperity made the construction of railroad and telegraph infrastructure possible, uniting Canadians across the continent. East and West Canada were two politically divided entities, which made managing the two simultaneously nearly impossible. Together with opposition leader George Brown, Macdonald formed the Great Coalition. Despite their differences, the two created political unity that left Macdonald with the legacy of being able to reach across to his political opponents (Library and Archives Canada). The Great Coalition united two Canadas together to reform and led directly to Canadian Confederation in 1867 (Pope). In 1865, Canada’s government approved Confederation, which was formalized by British Parliament in 1867. That process was concluded with the help of John A. Macdonald. Macdonald took on the position of Prime Minister in 1867 in the days following Confederation. The creation of a federal government required cooperation from all of the provinces, as foreign countries such as Great Britain and the United States, in order to work. To aid in this process, Macdonald led a successful campaign that led many of his political allies into office. Despite health problems in 1870, Macdonald continued to pursue political tasks, such as in the acquisition of Prince Edward Island into the Confederation (Gwyn). He continued to work to expand the nation of Canada, going as far as to purchase lands from the British government at a premium. In his second term, Macdonald created a railway policy that eventually led to a charter for an intercontinental railway system across the Canadian state. During the negotions for the railway, however, Macdonald received criticism for bribing government ministers with political contributions in order to award the character. The Pacific Scandal, as it is now known, led to Macdonald’s resignation as Canada’s first Prime Minister, the damaging of his legacy, and the transfer of power from the Conservatives to the Liberals led by Alexander Mackenzie (Pope). Macdonald retained leadership in the Conservative opposition party. During this time, he grew increasingly hostile to the Liberals’ policies. In virtue of this opposition, he became a staunch support of high tariffs and protectionism, a position that he would continue to support for the rest of his life (Gwyn). Macdonald was elected Prime Minister again in 1878 as the leader fo the new-faced Conservative movement. Conservatives would continue to rally around Macdonald’s policies throughout his fourth and fifth terms. Despite health issues brought on by age and stress, Macdonald won a sixth term in 1891. While he seemed at first to be rejuvinated by another successful election, Macdonald suffered a stroke in May of 1891. The nation followed his progress until he died on June 6, 1891. The news struck the country that Macdonald had devoted so much of his life too. A tribute to Macdonald in the House of Common reads, “In fact the place of Sir John A. Macdonald in this country was so large and so absorbing that it is almost impossible to conceive that the politics of this country… will continue without him. His loss overwhelms us” (Swainson 150). In many ways, this attitude reflects the beliefs and thoughts of contemporary Canadians as well. Canada, without the efforts of the Great Coalition and of Macdonald himself, would have been a much smaller country, which would have indelibly reduced the range of opportunities and stnadards of living for Canadians in each of the provinces (Library and Archives Canada). Unlike the manner in which the United States commemorates George Washington, the first true President of the United States, with his face on currency, a monument, and a likeness carved into a mountain, the Canadians have not devoted such energy into commemorating John A. Macdonald. Canadian politicians, who are in a place to recognize the contributions of Macdonald to the nation, are quick to complain or lament about how the hero is not celebrated as much as he ought to be. For instance, MP Jason Kenney has said, “It is regrettable that in Canada, with those examples before us… we lack that kind of robust celebration of our great historical figures and the great moments in our history” (Library and Archives Canada). MP John Godfrey shares these thoughts, saying during a debate over the 2001 Sir John A. Macdonald Day bill, “Canadians… for all their becoming modesty, do not seem well equipped to deal with greatness, to praise famous men and women” (Library and Archives Canada). Part of this phenomenon of not being able to celebrate common heroes is the modern perception of Canada as disconnected still into different provinces. Unlike the United States, which unified in the years following the Civil War, the Canadian states still have not completely coalesced in a manner that stretches beyond the requirements of a Confederation. As proof of this point, an appreciation of Macdonald’s politicial legacy is not always shared between the different regions of Canada. Despite being held in high regard in Ottawa’s political class, the political classes of British Columbia and Victoria do not have such a value of those achievements. In fact, during a debate over whether or not the city should move Macdonald’s statue to a more publically acceptable place, the Victoria Times-Colonist published an editorial in 2000 that criticized Macdonald’s legacy. The writer said, “It can be argued that Sir John A. is fine where he is," the editorial stated, "perfectly representative of government as he stares blindly at the drug dealing and prostitution on Broad Street without doing a damn thing about it” (Library and Archives Canada). Despite these criticisms, however, the political effects of Macdonald, for better or for worse, cannot be understated. The Pacific Scandal, like all political scandals, damaged Macdonald’s reputation, but it did not diminish his accomplishment in pulling together the distinct parts of Canada. Indeed, his policies on federalism have changed and reshaped debates on the Canadian Constitution for nearly a century since his death. Macdonald’s political language and rhetorical strategies have appeared in Canadian politics even in the 21st century, so far removed from their original context in the mid-19th century (Lemieux). This may be the result of Macdonald’s political legacy. Part of this legacy is that of pragmatism (the ability to reach across to political opponents in order to reach an agreement) and the patience necessary for achieving lasting results. It seems that many contemporary politicians, including those from the United States, could learn from this style of leadership, which included a mastery of parliamentary procedure and election rules. Looking back on Macdonald’s style of leadership, Preston Manning of the Reform Party has said, “When people look to cross party lines, it's almost looked on as a weakness rather than a strength. In a country that is as diverse as Canada, you can't hold it together unless you had those skills. And Macdonald had those skills” (Library and Archives Canada). This ability to achieve a practical outcome is perhaps why CBC named Macdonald the eighth greatest Canadian of all time (CBC). In a political environment in which compromise is held as something to be avoided, nothing can be accomplished. Most historians and political scientists likewise ignore Macdonald on the basis of his pragmatism. For instance, during the confederation debates, he said, “I am satisfied to confine myself to practical things—to the securing of such practical measures as the country really wants” (Preece 465). However, Macdonald contrasted pragmatism not with theory or principles, but with utipoan ideals that were neither useful to politicians nor the citiziens they respresented. To this extent, Macdonald represented not only the ability to compromise and reach mutually beneficial agreements, but the ability to foresake thoughts of a perfect world that cannot exist in reality.Despite being the foremost leader of the Conservative movement during his own time, Macdonald did not give in to the thought of a world dictated only by the principles of Conservatives. To this effect, Macdonald proved to be a magnificient leader and uniquely capable of creating the Great Coalition that ultimately led to Confederation. Another, often underlooked part of Macdonald’s legacy, was his ability to conduct business outside of the political realm. Scholar J.K. Johnson has claimed that “John A. Macdonald should be thought about and studied and written about, not only as one of the politicians who have tried to run the country but as one of those buinessmen as well” (Johnson 150). This two-part legacy as a politician and a businessman is important to consider, given the increasingly business-oriented aspect of conducting political campaigns that rely on huge sums of money in order to be successful. Macdonald provided a model for politicians to follow in order to successfully manage the policymaking responsibilities of a politician, and the business-oriented aspects of achieving a long-lived political career. This study of Macdonald as a businessman also has direct implications for the study of his policy decisions. There is a question about whether Macdonald, for instance, made up his mind about a high tariff policy after becoming a respected urban Canadian businessman. The motives of this decision, among others, can certainly be challenged by modern scholars, especially given the Pacific Scandal’s mark upon Macdonald’s otherwise clean record as a public interest-seeking politician. Such questions can affect a man’s politicial legacy for better or for worse. John A. Macdonald is a political hero to the people of Canada for his numerous accomplishments before and after becoming the country’s first Prime Minister. Having devoted his life to Canadian politics and confederation, he stands as an exemplar of public service. Nevertheless, some in Canada feel strongly that his legacy is underappreciated by the Canadian people relative to the legacies of Americans like George Washington. Regardless, this does not change the fact that Canadian life was indelibly changed by Macdonald’s efforts in uniting both Canadas in the mid-19th century. The most admirable part of Macdonald’s legacy was his ability to reach across the aisle to his political opponents in the search for compromise and agreement. This pragmatism did not come at the cost of principle, but only out of the dislike for expending effort in pursuit of utopian ideals like those shared by some of his Conservative contemporaries (Preece). The circumstances of Macdonald’s politics mustbe analyzed and described in terms of his personal life, which necessitates narrative description of those facts as best historians can reconstruct them. And by reconstructing those facts, questions can be raised about whether our contemporary picture of Macdonald is the correct one. Based on the evidence available, our best picture of John A. Macdonald is of a committed public servant who accomplished a great deal. Bibliography Carloneil, Michael. Sir John A. Macdonald. 1996. 2011 . CBC. Sir John A. Macdonald: Architect of Modern Canada. 2004. 2011 . Gwyn, Richard. The Man Who Made Us: The Life and Times of Sir John A. Macdonald 1815–1867. Toronto: Random House Canada, 2007. Johnson, J. K. "John A. Macdonald, the Young Non-Politician." Historical Papers 6(1) (1971): 138-153. Lemieux, Pierre. Fascism and the "Distinct Society" in Quebec. 2006. 2011 . Library and Archives Canada. The Legacy: Sir John A. Macdonald. 27 June 2008. 10 March 2011 . Pope, Joseph. The Day of Sir John Macdonald: A Chronicle of the First Prime Minister of the Dominion. Toronto: Brook & Co., 1915. Preece, Rod. "The Political Wisdom of Sir John A. Macdonald." Canadian Journal of Political Science 17(3) (1984): 459-486. Swainson, Donald. Sir John A. Macdonald: The Man and the Politician. Kingston: Quarry Press, 1989. Read More