Analyzing Religions - Essay Example

Branch Davidians and the Peyote Way Religions, whether mainstream or not, are elements of the larger culture and, at the same time, have their own unique sub-cultural symbols. This paper will briefly examine two very different religions in America: Branch Davidians and the Native American Church’s Peyote Way. Their differences are inarguable, but they have elements in common. The Branch Davidians began with Victor Houteff leading a splinter group from the Seventh Day Adventists, in 1942.

He identified as God’s messenger, sent to purify Christians and establish the Kingdom of David. He recruited members internationally, and died in 1955. His wife, Florence, took over and prophesied the end time would occur April 23, 1959, but it didn’t, and she left under duress, three years later (Rifkind & Harper, December, 1994). Benjamin Roden took over, claiming he was King David’s successor. When he lost control, due to a meth lab, pornography, attempted ax murder, imprisonment, a desecrated corpse, prison escape, and death, his wife, Lois, took over, and prophesied that God is also female (Rifkind & Harper, December, 1994).

Handyman Vernon Howell seized control and changed his name to David Koresh, declared himself the Messiah, and began preparing for the Apocalypse and Armageddon, which he taught would happen at the Waco compound, very soon. Their primary scriptural text was the Bible, especially the book of Revelations. Although they followed basic Seventh Day Adventist practices, he demanded his followers live communally, obey him totally, administer severe physical punishment to children (even infants), and he took child wives and prepared his followers to interpret the assault on the compound as the Battle of Armageddon and the Apocalypse (Rifkind & Harper, December, 1994).

The 1993 government assault left 84 Branch Davidians dead, including Koresh (Sullivan, May, 1996). Koresh drank beer sometimes, but they did not support substance use, following healthy SDA dietary guidelines. Polygamy was available to Koresh, while celibacy was enforced for all other men (Rifkind & Harper, December, 1994). The relationship toward society was one of relative isolation. Although information was allowed in, not much was allowed out, with a strict “us” vs “them” mentality (Sullivan, May, 1996).

In comparison, the Native American Church Peyote Way is the most widespread indigenous religion in America, practiced by more than 250,000 members among more than 50 tribes. It draws on spiritual practices in Northern Mexico, Plains Indian practices, with some Christianity interwoven. The peyote religion spread from Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita reservations, through visitation, intermarriage, and fellow soldiers to territory that is now Oklahoma, in the 1870s, becoming formalized as a religion in 1918.

Its major leader was Quanah Parker (a Comanche), who received the Peyote Way from a curandera (healer), and founded the Native American Church. Other leaders were Chivato (Lipan), Jim Aton (Kiowa), John Wilson (Caddo-Delaware), and Jonathan Koshiway (Oto) (Verges, Winter, 1974). Some scholars see a temporary transition religion toward White Christian culture, and others see a core practice which sustains Native American spirituality. It involves direct and private encounter, in a collective setting, with the Sacred, gaining deeper access to wisdom and healing, strengthening connection to land and community, transcending the White man’s hold, but in a pacifist way, unlike the militant Ghost Dance religion (Verges, Winter, 1974).

The primary sacrament is eating peyote. This results in spiritual, hallucinatory experience which holds deep meaning for believers. The sacrament is closed to outsiders and is led by experienced road men, lasts all night and includes prayer and singing. It provides a sacred setting for meditation and introspection, and members are encouraged to have individualized beliefs and practices (Verges, Winter, 1974). This contrasts with Branch Davidians, who were required to have extensive private Bible reading but whose interpretations were controlled by David Koresh and must conform to communal experience (Rifkind & Harper, December, 1994).

Peyote is a sacred plant, not substance abuse. Neither polygamy nor celibacy is expected in this religion. Participants are not prone to share peyote experiences with outsiders because they are private and likely to be misunderstood. The government has persecuted them a lot, but the Peyote Way is now better tolerated and has some legal protection (Michaelsen, 1983). These religions co-exist in a globalized world because they fulfill group and individual needs and arise out of traditional practice.

Branch Davidians were certain of being armed and on the correct side of the upcoming Battle of Armageddon, which would bridge them to a heavenly future. They experienced God and belonging to community, and felt that their leader had answers that tied into SDA theology, but included secrets and powers unknown to others. Native Americans on the Peyote Way gain deep insight, experience the Sacred, are part of a close-knit community, and find a bridge from their ancestral heritage to an alien future (Michaelsen, 1983).

ReferencesMichaelsen, R. S. (1983). "We also have a religion". The free exercise of religion among Native Americans. American Indian Quarterly, 7(3):111-142.Rifkind, L. J., & Harper, L. F. (December, 1994). The Branch Davidians and the politics of power and intimidation. Journal of American Culture, 17(4):65-72.Sullivan, L. E. (May, 1996). "No longer the Messiah": US Federal Law Enforcement views of religion in connection with the 1993 siege of Mount Carmel near Waco, Texas. Numen: Religion, Law and the Construction of Identities, 43(2):213-234.Verges, G. (Winter, 1974).

Constitutional law: Freedom of religion: Peyote and the Native American Church. American Indian Law Review, 2(3):71-79.